England under the Angevin Kings, Volumes I and II

CHAPTER II. (Part 1 of 2)

The standoff between Henry II and Thomas Becket dragged on for six years, transforming from a domestic constitutional dispute into a defining medieval crisis. For Henry, the conflict drained resources: he fended off Aquitaine and Breton rebellions, managed his tense alliance with Louis VII, and navigated the papal-imperial schism. For Thomas, Pontigny exile meant spiritual rigor—secretly taking the Cistercian habit, practicing extreme abstinence that damaged his health, and gathering charters supporting Church independence. He refused all compromise, demanding Henry unconditionally revoke the Constitutions of Clarendon and restore the Church’s full rights.

Pope Alexander III pursued an inconsistent policy. He sympathized with Thomas but could not alienate Henry, whose dominions were a bulwark against the Emperor and anti-pope. He sent legates with compromises neither side would fully accept. Gilbert Foliot, now Bishop of London, repeatedly tried to mediate, arguing Thomas’s intransigence was destroying the reforming Church-state alliance, but Thomas dismissed him. Even John of Salisbury privately admitted the dispute was driven as much by personal pride as principle.

Henry’s position weakened as continental allies drifted. The anti-pope Paschal III died in 1168; the Emperor’s influence waned as Alexander III’s Roman position grew. Louis VII celebrated his heir’s 1165 birth and used his alliance with Thomas to paint Henry as a Church enemy. Henry repeatedly tried to reconcile, even offering partial restoration, but Thomas refused. By 1170, the stalemate was unsustainable: Henry’s barons grew restless, and Alexander tired of Thomas’s intransigence. A compromise was finally brokered by the Pope and French king: Henry would restore Thomas, and Thomas would vaguely promise to obey “loyally and in good faith” without explicitly accepting or rejecting the Constitutions. Thomas returned to England in December 1170, convinced he had won, unaware Henry had no intention of honoring the spirit of the agreement. The fragile compromise lasted only weeks, ending in Thomas’s murder in Canterbury Cathedral on December 29, 1170—turning him into a martyr and forcing Henry to perform public penance.

CHAPTER II. (Part 2 of 2)

Thomas wintered 1165–66 at Soissons, visiting shrines of the Blessed Virgin, S. Gregory, and S. Drausius, then reached Vézelay by Whitsun eve. At High Mass he anathematized royal customs and excommunicated seven: John of Oxford, Richard of Ilchester, Jocelyn de Bailleul, Richard de Lucy, Ralf de Broc, Hugh of S. Clare, and Thomas Fitz-Bernard. He had meant to excommunicate Henry but spared him on news of his illness.

Henry, preparing against the Bretons, ordered Richard de Lucy to assemble clergy and appeal to Rome. The London midsummer meeting drafted the appeal, mostly by Gilbert Foliot, who received Thomas’s sarcastic reply. Early 1167 Gilbert received a papal brief commissioning Thomas as legate for all England, commanding obedience and restoration of church property within two months. Thomas begged Henry’s leave to obey.

Henry, absorbed in Brittany, threatened Cistercian abbots with mass exile if Thomas remained at Pontigny. Thomas left for S. Columba’s at Sens under Louis’s protection on S. Martin’s day 1166. Henry sent John of Oxford and others seeking a legatine commission; John returned boasting of absolution and two cardinals. Cardinals William and Otto were only to arbitrate; reaching Normandy in autumn 1167, they met Thomas on November 18, who refused to negotiate until property was restored. Reporting at Argentan, they were dismissed.

The western church was convulsed by the papal schism since 1159. Emperor Frederick Barbarossa refused to acknowledge Alexander III and set up antipopes—Victor IV, Paschal III, now Callixtus III—dividing Christendom and rendering Henry’s position dangerously ambiguous. His communications with the Emperor through John of Oxford and Richard de Ilchester were viewed with deep suspicion as possible schismatic leanings; it was partly for these that Thomas at Vézelay excommunicated the two envoys. Five bishops renewed their appeal; another year was lost.

At Montmirail (Epiphany 1169) Thomas under Louis’s protection prostrated himself before Henry, offering submission “Saving God’s honour and my order.” Henry flew into fury. On Palm Sunday at Clairvaux Thomas excommunicated ten opponents led by Gilbert, who had already appealed; Henry posted port guards. On Ascension Day layman Berengar delivered Thomas’s letter at S. Paul’s. Thomas issued more excommunications; Gilbert renewed his appeal and claimed metropolitan dignity for London. Papal envoys Gratian and Vivian failed by summer’s end. At Montmartre in November they nearly agreed on restoration; Thomas rashly threatened interdict; Henry resolved to crown his son.

Three years earlier Henry had wrung from besieged Pope Alexander a brief authorizing the archbishop of York to crown Young Henry in Thomas’s absence. Despite Thomas’s interdict and papal confirmations, justiciars blocked letters. Thomas entrusted a brief to nun Idonea for Roger of York, reaching him only June 13, 1170. On June 14 Roger crowned Young Henry in Westminster Abbey, with Gilbert of London after extorting conditional absolution from the archbishop of Rouen.

The elder king waited for tenants-in-chief and the king of Scots to swear fealty to his son, then returned to Normandy. Louis threatened war; Thomas besieged Rome with complaints; Henry sued for peace. Two days before S. Mary Magdalene’s feast he met Louis near Fréteval and was reconciled, jesting Thomas would have peace tomorrow. At dawn on the feast they met in the “Traitor’s Meadow”; riding apart so long their followers grew impatient, Thomas dismounted and prostrated himself. Henry sprang down, raised him, held his stirrup, and rode back announcing mutual amnesty and restoration to the status quo ante.

In Normandy Henry fell nearly to death; on recovery he pilgrimaged to Rocamadour, not seeing Thomas until October at Tours. At Amboise difficulties arose over restitution and the kiss of peace. Henry’s letter reached Westminster October 5. Restoration was incomplete at Martinmas—empty garners and ruins. At Chaumont Henry promised to escort Thomas personally, but French complications forced him to delegate the archbishop of Rouen and John of Oxford.

Thomas was hurt to travel under John of Oxford’s escort but felt he was going to his death; his letters expressed passionate longing for it. All warned him—Louis down to the ship’s pilot—except Herbert of Bosham.

Wild tales of Henry’s plots may be dismissed. Keeping Thomas in England was better than out; Thomas had struck his deadliest blow by fleeing, and Henry’s worst blunder was driving him to France. Henry, Roger, and Gilbert were incapable of murder, though allied with Ralf de Broc and similar men. Thomas had papal letters suspending the bishops who crowned Young Henry. Gilbert, Jocelyn, and Roger went to Canterbury intending to meet him in Normandy; the three De Brocs, Reginald de Warren, and Sheriff Gervase planned to seize him at landing. Thomas forewarned sent letters; the prelates read their condemnation before he left Gaul.

Next day Thomas sailed from Wissant, landing at Sandwich December 1. Enemies desisted at sight of John of Oxford, who forbade interference. Riding to Canterbury amid acclaim, he met officials demanding absolution of suspended bishops. Thomas said he could not annul papal sentences but would risk it if culprits abjured. Gilbert and Jocelin inclined to yield; Roger refused. They sent Geoffrey Ridel to the young king and carried their protest to Henry.