The City of God, Volume I

Augustine attributes the inception of the work to the pagan backlash blaming Christianity for the fall of Rome, necessitating a defense of the City of God.

Details how Marcellinus, seeking to convert the pagan proconsul Volusian, drew Augustine into a correspondence that revealed the political and social nature of the objections to Christianity.

Describes how the complexity of the objections—political rather than merely speculative—led Augustine to expand his defense into a comprehensive, twenty-two-book masterpiece.

The first section refutes two pagan opinions: that worship of gods secures temporal prosperity, and that it secures happiness in the life to come.

The second section details the origin, progress, and ultimate destinies of the City of God and the City of the World.

Contextualizes the psychological impact of the sack of Rome on the ancient world, contrasting the despair of figures like Jerome with Augustine's hopeful vision.

Argues that the work's primary value lies in tracing the parallel existence and conflict of the two cities from the fall of angels to the final judgment.

Praises Augustine's handling of metaphysics, his critique of Neoplatonism, and his eloquence, while acknowledging occasional stylistic obscurities.

Notes the work's enduring popularity and its status as an 'encyclopedia of the fifth century,' despite some critics finding it verbose or digressive.

Criticizes the existing 17th-century English translation as exceptionally poor and inaccurate, contrasting it with the superior French versions.

Concludes by defending the necessity of this new translation to make Augustine's vital theology accessible to the modern English reader.

Augustine notes that many pagans who survived the sack by taking refuge in Christian churches now blaspheme Christ, attributing their survival to luck rather than to the respect the barbarians held for Christ.

Citing Virgil and history, Augustine demonstrates that pagan gods never provided sanctuary to vanquished enemies in their temples, as seen in the sack of Troy where Priam was killed at the altar.

Augustine reviews Roman history, citing Caesar and generals like Marcellus and Fabius, to prove that even the Romans, famed for clemency, never spared enemies in temples. Therefore, the mercy shown in Christian churches is anomalous and attributable to Christ.

Augustine concludes that the violence in Rome was standard for war, but the mercy shown in churches was a new thing caused by the name of Christ, which bridled the barbarians' fury.

God sends rain and sun on both the just and unjust. Temporal blessings and ills are common to both so that the good do not covet worldly happiness nor shrink unduly from adversity.

The good are chastised alongside the wicked because they often love this present life too much, fail to admonish sinners, or need to have their faith proven, as in the case of Job.

Christians who lost their property did not lose their true wealth (faith and godliness). The sack served to teach them to lay up treasure in heaven, where it is safe from all enemies.

Death is not an evil for the righteous, as it ushers them into a better life. Lack of burial does not injure the dead, for God will resurrect them, though burial is a pious duty for the living.

Captivity is not pitiable if God is present. Augustine cites Daniel and the three youths. He contrasts Christian endurance with the pagan Regulus, who kept his oath to the gods and was tortured, proving that pagan gods do not secure temporal happiness.

Purity is a virtue of the soul. If a woman is violated without her consent, the sin is solely the rapist's. The body can be harmed without the soul losing its integrity.

Augustine refutes the idea that suicide is a noble escape from shame. He cites Lucretia and Cato, arguing that suicide is murder, forbidden by the command 'Thou shalt not kill,' and leaves no room for repentance.

Augustine suggests that God allowed these outrages to cure pride or teach humility. He urges Christian women to find consolation in a good conscience and the hope of resurrection, rather than in human praise.

Pagans complain not because they love virtue, but because they want to live in shameful luxury without disturbance. Augustine cites Scipio Nasica, who feared that peace and prosperity would destroy Roman morals.

Despite the sack, Romans continue to flock to the theaters, proving their morals are ruined. They attribute their suffering to Christianity rather than their own vices.

Augustine concludes that the City of God and the earthly city are intermixed in this world. He previews the next books, which will detail the disasters Rome suffered before Christianity to refute the charge that Christian worship caused the fall.

Augustine discusses the futility of endless debate with obstinate adversaries who refuse to accept clear evidence, setting boundaries for the discourse to avoid infinite regression.

A brief summary of the previous book's arguments: that the sack of Rome was not caused by Christianity, and that the barbarians showed clemency in Christian churches, unlike the customs of pagan warfare.

Augustine proposes to examine Roman history before Christ to show that the gods offered no protection from disaster, thereby invalidating the pagan argument that abandoning the gods caused current misfortunes.

Augustine challenges the pagans to produce any laws issued by their gods that guided the people to virtue, contrasting this with the clear moral teachings of Christianity.

Augustine describes the filthy and shameful rites practiced in honor of the mother of the gods (Cybele) and other deities, arguing that such 'purification' is actually pollution.

Augustine invokes Scipio Nasica, a revered Roman, to suggest that no virtuous man would want his mother honored with such obscene rites, highlighting the contradiction between Roman virtue and pagan worship.

Augustine argues that the gods did nothing to prevent the corruption of morals and the vices of the soul, which are far greater calamities than physical disasters.

Refuting the claim that these are merely poet fictions, Augustine asserts that the gods themselves commanded the institution of games and plays in their honor.

Augustine explains that men are more likely to imitate the actions of gods represented in plays than to obey the abstract precepts of philosophers, leading to widespread licentiousness.

A comparison of Greek and Roman treatment of actors. The Greeks honored them because the gods loved the plays; the Romans dishonored them but still kept the plays, creating a logical inconsistency.

Augustine forms a logical argument: If such gods are worshipped, their actors should be honored (Greek premise). But such actors must not be honored (Roman minor). Therefore, such gods must not be worshipped (Christian conclusion).

Augustine contrasts Plato, who banished poets from his ideal city to protect morality, with the pagan gods who demanded plays to celebrate their own shame.

Augustine notes that Rome had to borrow laws from Athens (Solon) because their own gods provided none, and even Numa's laws were insufficient and not divinely originated.

Augustine cites the rape of the Sabine women and the unjust treatment of Collatinus and Camillus to refute the claim that 'equity and virtue prevailed by nature' in early Rome.

Augustine quotes Sallust to prove that after the destruction of Carthage, Roman morals collapsed into a 'torrent' of luxury, avarice, and ambition, destroying the Republic.

Augustine cites Cicero's statement that the Republic had utterly ceased to exist before Christ came, due to the loss of justice and morality.

Augustine describes how demons were seen rehearsing battles in Campania to justify and encourage the bloody civil wars of the Romans.

Augustine recounts how the gods gave Sylla favorable auspices and prophecies of victory but never rebuked his cruelty, proving they care only for worship, not justice.

Augustine argues that any claim of secret moral teachings in the mysteries is a deceitful tactic to snare the virtuous few, while the public spectacles corrupt the masses.

A final contrast between the chaste worship of the Church and the obscene rites of the pagans, emphasizing that Christ rescues men from demonic bondage.

Augustine exhorts the Romans to renounce the false gods who delight in shame and to seek the heavenly city where true justice, peace, and eternity reign.

Augustine critiques the pagan valuation of goods, noting that evil men fear losing property more than losing their virtue. They prefer a good life with a corrupt soul over a corrupt life with a virtuous soul.

Augustine states that before Christ, the world worshipped false gods without rival (except for the Hebrews). Despite this exclusive worship, the human race was crushed by incredible calamities, proving the gods' impotence.

Augustine acknowledges the Roman connection to Troy, noting that he cannot overlook this origin story in his survey of Roman history.

Augustine questions the justice of the gods worshipped by Greeks and Romans in permitting the destruction of Ilium, implying that if they could not save their own sacred city, they cannot be relied upon to save Rome.

Augustine mocks the story that Apollo and Neptune built Troy's walls for free and were cheated by Laomedon. He argues it is more shameful to worship gods who could be defrauded than to worship fraudsters, and notes Homer's own inconsistency in the story.

Augustine challenges the claim that the gods destroyed Troy for Paris's adultery. He points out that Venus (mother of Aeneas) committed adultery with Anchises, and Mars (father of Romulus) with Rhea Sylvia. If the gods commit these acts, they cannot justly punish them in men.

Augustine cites the pagan scholar Varro, who admitted that myths about gods being ancestors of men are false but politically useful to inspire bravery. Augustine argues this opens the door to endless falsehood in religion.

Augustine argues that if Paris's adultery justified destroying Troy, Romulus's murder of his brother Remus should have brought ruin to Rome. Instead, the gods supported Romulus, proving they value neither justice nor piety.

Augustine describes the infamous rape of the Sabine women and the subsequent war with their fathers. He questions why Venus, the goddess of love, did not help Romans find wives honorably, leading to a war stained with the blood of kinsmen.

Augustine recounts the war between Rome and her mother-city Alba Longa. He highlights the tragic combat of the Horatii and Curiatii, and the murder of the Horatia by her brother, calling it a 'worse than civil' war driven by lust for power.

Augustine notes that the Roman general Fimbria destroyed the historical city of Troy (Ilium) more cruelly than the Greeks ever did, while the gods did nothing. This proves they possess no power to save their cities.

Augustine recalls the Gallic sack of Rome, asking where the gods were. He mocks the idea that they only saved the Capitol because a goose cackled, showing they are slow and weak guardians.

Augustine cites the portent of the weeping statue of Apollo at Cumae. He interprets this not as divine power, but as a sign of the gods' weakness and inability to help their worshippers against Rome.

Augustine questions whether the peace during Numa's reign was due to the gods or mere chance. He notes that later, with more gods and more elaborate rituals, Rome suffered constant war, suggesting the gods were ineffective.

Augustine lists the many foreign gods imported to Rome (Cybele, Aesculapius, etc.). He observes that despite this 'cloud of deities,' Rome suffered horrific calamities, proving numbers of gods do not equate to protection.

Augustine details the murders and violent deaths of the later Roman kings (Tullus Hostilius, Tarquin Priscus, Servius Tullius). He notes the gods did not punish these parricides and tyrants but allowed them to rule and build temples.

Augustine describes the turmoil following the expulsion of the kings, including the tragedy of Brutus executing his own sons and the violent deaths of the first consuls. He argues this was not a 'just' or 'moderate' beginning.

Augustine recounts the class struggles, the secession of the plebs, and the violent deaths of the Gracchi brothers. He mocks the building of the Temple of Concord on the site of such a massacre, noting the irony of worshipping Concord while Discord ruled.

Augustine lists the horrors of the Punic Wars, including the defeats at Cannae and Lake Trasimene, the destruction of Saguntum (Rome's ally), and the cruel fate of Regulus. He emphasizes that the gods did not prevent these massive losses.

Augustine vividly describes the atrocities of the civil wars between Marius and Sulla. He compares their cruelty unfavorably to barbarian invasions, noting that Roman citizens slaughtered each other in the streets and temples with a ferocity foreign enemies never matched.

Augustine traces the chain of civil wars from Marius and Sulla to Pompey and Caesar, and finally to Augustus. He notes that Cicero, a great man, was killed during these times, and that liberty was extinguished while the gods remained silent.

Augustine argues that if the calamities of Roman history had occurred after the advent of Christ, pagans would certainly have blamed Christianity. Since they occurred while the gods were worshipped, the gods are clearly at fault or powerless.

Augustine lists various natural disasters and prodigies (plagues, floods, monstrous births) recorded in Roman history. He asserts that pagans would blame Christians for these if they happened now, yet they refuse to blame their own gods for them in the past.

Recap of the initial defense against those who blame Christianity for earthly sorrows, asserting that such sorrows are common to all ages and that the pagan gods are demons.

Recap of the enumeration of moral and physical evils suffered by Rome before the Christian era, proving that the empire was always afflicted regardless of religious worship.

Comparison of a wealthy, anxious king to a contented man of modest means to demonstrate that vast empire does not equate to happiness.

Definition of a kingdom as a 'great robbery' if it lacks justice, illustrated by the pirate who told Alexander the Great they do the same thing on different scales.

The panic caused by a small band of gladiators demonstrates that power can arise from mere men without divine aid, challenging the attribution of Rome's rise to specific gods.

The vast and long-lasting Assyrian empire was founded on conquest and lust for power, not piety, proving that empire is a human, not divine, project.

If gods aided Rome, why did they abandon Assyria? The shifting of empires suggests either the gods are fickle, weak, or non-existent.

A catalog of minor gods (e.g., Segetia, Cunina, Vaticanus) who oversee insignificant functions, proving they lack the scope to establish or preserve an empire.

Critique of the theological inconsistencies surrounding Jupiter, Juno, and the other major gods, including their physical attributions and immoral myths.

Refutation of the Stoic/Varro view that God is the soul of the world, which leads to the impious conclusion that every creature is a part of God.

Logical analysis of the goddesses Felicity and Fortune, showing that if Felicity can give all good things, no other gods are needed.

Examination of Virtue and Faith as goddesses, arguing that they are gifts of the true God, not independent deities to be worshipped.

Ironical observation that Rome neglected to worship Felicity until late, yet prospered, implying her 'aid' was unnecessary or that the empire was not truly happy.

The story of Titus Latinius and the Senate's decree to renew games illustrates that the 'gods' are demons who compel immoral acts.

Discussion of the pontiff Scaevola's distinction between poetic, philosophical, and civic gods, highlighting the deliberate deception of the state religion.

Refutation of the auspice that Mars, Terius, and Juventas would not yield to Jupiter, citing historical defeats and boundary changes that proved the augury false.

Acknowledgment that Varro and other wise men saw the falsity of the myths and approached the truth of one God, but were held back by custom and political expediency.

Conclusion that the true God, author of felicity, grants earthly kingdoms to both good and bad men according to His hidden judgment, as seen in the history of the Jews.

Human kingdoms are established by divine providence. Those who attribute this to 'fate' are either using the word incorrectly to mean God's will, or they are falsely attributing power to the stars independent of God.

If the stars ruled all, choosing specific days for marriage, sowing, or conception would be futile, as the original birth chart would dictate the outcome. The fact that men believe they can change their destiny by choosing a day contradicts the fatalism of astrology.

Augustine accepts the term 'fate' only if it is defined as the chain of causes dependent on the will of God, quoting Seneca to support the idea that 'fate' is simply the leading of God's will.

Cicero denied divination and foreknowledge to preserve free will, arguing that if all things are foreknown, they happen by a fixed chain of causes (fate), leaving no room for human choice.

Augustine asserts that God foreknows our wills as causes. Because He knows we will will something, it does not mean we are forced to will it. Our wills exist and have power because God gave them power and foreknew their use.

Augustine distinguishes between the necessity of God's nature (He cannot sin) and the necessity of events. God's foreknowledge does not impose coercion on the human will; rather, the will operates within the order God foresees.

God, who governs all kingdoms, gave the Romans dominion as a temporal reward for their relative virtues. They 'received their reward' in earthly fame and expansion.

Christians should not boast if they suffer less than the Romans did for their country. The Romans sacrificed sons, wealth, and life for temporal glory; Christians should be willing to do as much or more for eternal life.

Augustine distinguishes between the desire for glory (which can lead to virtue) and the desire for domination (which leads to cruelty). He notes that God allows even tyrants to reign as a judgment on or for the people.

A Christian emperor is happy if he rules justly, loves God, remains humble, uses power to extend true worship, and pardons out of mercy rather than punishing out of cruelty.

Augustine adopts Varro's threefold division of theology: mythical, natural, and civil. He prepares to demonstrate that neither the mythical nor the civil kinds can contribute to the happiness of the future life.

Augustine argues that despite the stubbornness of some, the previous books have adequately demonstrated that worshipping false gods for earthly advantages is futile and contrary to Christian truth.

He condemns the hatred directed at the Christian religion due to worldly disasters, noting that such animosity lacks reason and reflection, often encouraged by the learned despite their consciences.

The argument now targets those who claim that the pagan gods should be worshipped to secure happiness after death, rather than for benefits in the current life.

Augustine acknowledges that philosophers are more tolerable than the common people because they often repudiate the myths and fables that the populace incorporates into their worship.

He poses the critical question of whether one should worship the many gods (created by the one God) instead of the Creator Himself for the sake of the afterlife.

Seeking specific goods from the wrong god is likened to the absurdity of a theatrical mimic. If asking wine from the Lymphs is ridiculous, asking for eternal life from them is infinitely more so.

Since these gods could not even grant earthly kingdoms (as proven in previous books), it is insane impiety to believe they can grant eternal life, which is far superior to any temporal rule.

Augustine points out that these gods often fail even in their limited domains (e.g., worshippers of Juventas do not necessarily have vigor). Therefore, trusting them for eternal life is foolish.

Despite his learning, Varro upheld the worship of gods he likely knew were ridiculous, fearing the neglect of state religion more than the defense of truth.

Varro admits he wrote of human things before divine things because the state existed before its religious institutions. Augustine argues this proves the 'gods' are human inventions, not divine beings.

Varro himself condemns the myths of the poets as base and unworthy of the gods, attributing to them theft, adultery, and servitude.

Varro defines civil theology as the rites citizens and priests must perform. Augustine argues this theology is inseparable from the shameful myths and is equally false.

Augustine asserts that the gods of the theatre are the same as the gods of the temple. The state instituted the theatre to honor these gods, proving their rites are fundamentally theatrical and base.

He cites examples such as Priapus, the nursing of Jupiter, and the appointment of parasites at Jupiter's table, arguing that these 'sacred' rites are as shameful as any stage play.

Augustine recounts the tale of the sacristan gambling with Hercules and hiring a prostitute, noting that such a story would be rejected as a fable yet is accepted as sacred history.

He describes the mutilated priests (Galli) of Cybele and the lamentations for Ceres and Venus, arguing these secret rites are far more detestable than public theatrical performances.

If Saturn devouring his children can be interpreted allegorically, so can the myths. Yet, the myths are rejected. Therefore, the civil rites, which are identical in content, should also be rejected.

Augustine suggests Varro implicitly exposed the falsity of civil theology by linking it to the fabulous, hoping the reader would reject both in favor of the 'natural' theology of the philosophers.

He lists gods like Jugatinus, Domiducus, Subigus, and Pertunda, who preside over the sexual act. He argues their presence turns the marriage bed into a scene of immodesty and buffoonery.

He describes the rituals to protect new mothers from Silvanus using axes and brooms, portraying the gods as petty, quarrelsome, and ridiculous rather than benevolent.

Seneca mocked the images of gods and the self-mutilation of worshippers, arguing that gods who demand such worship are not gods but monsters.

Seneca describes the absurdity of temple functionaries acting as hairdressers or lawyers for the gods, treating the Capitol like a stage for mimes.

Augustine notes that despite his criticism, Seneca still participated in the rites out of political custom. He also mentions Seneca's grudging respect for the Jewish understanding of their rites, unlike the ignorant Romans.

Eternal life is defined as endless happiness, which can only come from the true God, the giver of felicity. The pagan gods, who are demons, cannot give true happiness.

Augustine asserts that the argument against civil theology is sufficient, but promises to continue the refutation in the next book for those still held by inveterate habit.

Augustine lists the twenty select gods identified by Varro (Janus, Jupiter, Saturn, etc.) and questions whether their selection is based on higher office or merely greater fame.

Augustine demonstrates that select gods perform menial tasks (e.g., Janus opening the way for seed) while obscure gods perform superior tasks (e.g., Vitumnus giving life). This proves selection was not based on the dignity of their function.

Augustine argues that these gods became 'select' due to chance and popular fame rather than merit. He notes that even Fortune herself, who supposedly controls fame, is not among the select gods.

Unlike the obscure gods, the select gods are notorious for crimes and moral failings. Their fame has led to greater dishonor, as their shameful acts are celebrated in public theater and ritual.

Varro posits that the 'true gods' are the soul of the world and its parts. Augustine argues this falls short of the true God who made the soul, and that these interpretations are merely vain fictions.

Augustine critiques the identification of Janus and Jupiter with the world. He points out logical absurdities, such as Janus having dominion over beginnings but not ends (Terminus), and Jupiter being both the world and a part of it.

Augustine highlights the redundancy of having multiple gods for one function (e.g., Salacia and Venilia for waves) or one god for many contradictory functions (e.g., Jupiter as Pecunia/Money).

Augustine critiques the attempts to map gods to stars and elements. He notes inconsistencies, such as Jupiter's star being dimmer than Venus's, and the omission of constellations from the pantheon.

Augustine describes the obscene rituals of Liber (worship of the phallus) and the mutilation (castration) of the Galli for the Great Mother (Cybele). He argues these acts are abominable and could not lead to eternal life.

Augustine refutes philosophical attempts (like Porphyry's) to justify castration as a symbol of falling flowers. He asserts the rites are simply cruel and demonic.

Augustine recounts how the Roman Senate burned the books of Numa Pompilius because they contained the true, shameful causes of the sacred rites. He reveals Numa learned these rites through hydromancy (necromancy) from demons.

All the functions pagans attribute to many gods (beginnings, causes, fertility, etc.) belong to the one true God who created heaven and earth.

Augustine affirms that eternal life is obtained only through the true religion, which has always been promised through prophecy and fulfilled in Christ, liberating men from the dominion of demons.

The discussion is confined to those philosophers who believe in a divine nature concerned with human affairs, yet insist on the worship of many created gods to obtain blessedness, rather than the one true God.

The Italic school, founded by Pythagoras, and the Ionic school, founded by Thales, are described. Thales and his successors (Anaximander, Anaximenes) focused on material principles (water, air), while Anaxagoras introduced the concept of a divine mind.

Socrates is credited with turning philosophy toward the correction of manners and the pursuit of the chief good. He emphasized purifying the mind to contemplate eternal things, though his specific teachings on the final good were interpreted diversely by his followers.

Plato perfected philosophy by uniting the study of morals with the investigation of nature. He divided philosophy into moral, natural, and rational (logical) parts, aligning with the pursuit of the chief good, the cause of being, and the light of truth.

Augustine argues that Platonists surpass all others, including the Stoics and Epicureans, because they recognize God as incorporeal, unchangeable, and the source of all truth and blessedness, rather than reducing God to material elements or bodily senses.

Platonists correctly perceive that God is not a body and is unchangeable. They understand that all mutable things—bodies, souls, and lives—derive their existence from Him who truly is.

Unlike the Stoics or Epicureans who relied on the senses, Platonists distinguish the intelligible from the sensible, affirming that the light of the human understanding is God Himself, by whom all things are made.

Platonists identify the final good not with the body or mind, but with the enjoyment of God. To live according to virtue is to imitate and know God, making the philosopher a lover of God.

Augustine considers whether Plato derived his high concepts of God from the Hebrew scriptures (specifically Moses and Genesis) or from natural revelation, noting chronological difficulties but finding striking similarities in the concept of 'I AM'.

Despite their correct understanding of the Supreme God, the Platonists, including Apuleius, believed sacred rites should be performed to many gods. Augustine prepares to refute this, starting with Plato's definition of gods as entirely good.

If all gods are good, as Plato claimed, then rites should not be performed to bad gods to avert harm. However, the gods who delight in obscene theatrical plays and demand cruel sacrifices demonstrate that they are not good, contradicting the Platonic ideal.

Augustine points out the inconsistency between Labeo's view that good gods delight in plays and Plato's prohibition of poets, suggesting that the beings Plato excluded were actually demons.

Apuleius is cited to explain the hierarchy: gods in heaven, men on earth, and demons in the air. Demons share immortality with gods but passions with men.

Augustine argues that if Socrates' familiar was a demon, as Apuleius claims, then Plato's ban on poets was intended to protect men from the impure commands of demons, not to deprive good gods of pleasure.

Augustine argues that possessing better bodies (like beasts) or inhabiting higher elements (like birds) does not make demons superior; humans excel through reason and the potential for virtue.

The fact that demons inhabit the air while men inhabit the earth is no reason for worship, as birds also inhabit the air but are subject to man.

Apuleius admits demons are agitated by the same mental disturbances as men, are provoked by injuries, and delight in sacred rites.

Augustine argues that being subject to passions indicates misery, not blessedness. Since true religion seeks to free men from these passions, worshiping beings enslaved by them is absurd.

It is irrational to think that good gods would only communicate with men through wicked demons who love magic and theatrical obscenities.

Augustine uses the severe legal penalties against magic and Apuleius's own defense against such charges to prove that these arts are criminal, not divine.

Augustine refutes the idea that gods need demons to inform them of human actions. If gods are truly good and powerful, they do not require such deceptive intermediaries.

Hermes confesses that men, through error and incredulity, invented the art of making gods by binding demons to images.

Hermes predicts a time when Egyptian worship will come to nought. Augustine identifies this with the rise of Christianity, contrasting Hermes' sorrow with the prophets' joy.

Hermes admits that the 'gods' were invented by forefathers who erred greatly. Augustine argues that truth and faith must therefore dismantle what error and incredulity built.

Hermes and others testify that gods like Aesculapius and Mercury were once mortal men. Thus, pagan temples are essentially full of dead men.

Christians do not offer sacrifices to martyrs but honor God at their tombs. This is distinct from the pagan worship of dead men or the crimes attributed to their gods.

Platonists assert that while all gods are good, some demons are good and others bad. They posit demons as mediators between gods and men because gods are too exalted for direct contact.

Augustine promises to demonstrate that no demon, good or bad, can provide eternal blessedness, and that this office belongs to Christ alone.

Apuleius admits that demons experience human emotions like pity, anger, and joy, which banish them from the tranquility of the gods. Their minds are like a storm-tossed sea.

Augustine discusses the Stoic and Peripatetic views on mental emotions. He concludes that while the wise man may experience initial impressions, he does not consent to vice, unlike demons who are enslaved by passion.

Christians may experience passions but use them for righteous ends (e.g., anger at wrong). Demons, however, are driven by turbulent emotions that make them intent on deception.

Platonists claim poets slander the gods by attributing human passions to them. Augustine counters that these descriptions accurately depict the demons who falsely bear the names of gods.

Demons are defined as animals, rational, subject to passion, aerial in body, and eternal in duration. Augustine notes that 'subject to passion' aligns them with miserable men, not blessed gods.

Augustine uses a logical deduction: Gods are blessed and immortal; men are mortal and miserable. Demons, being eternal but passionate, are 'immortal and miserable,' thus not truly intermediate in a positive sense.

Plotinus is cited to support the view that demons are wretched because they are eternally bound to their bodies, unlike men who are released by death.

Good angels cannot mediate because they are already blessed and immortal, sharing nothing with miserable mortals. Demons mediate only to separate men from God.

Christ is the Mediator because He is both mortal (like man) and blessed (like God). He assumed mortality to redeem men and raised it to immortality, destroying the power of wicked demons.

Augustine refutes the Platonic idea that gods are contaminated by contact with men. He argues that true divinity cannot be polluted by flesh, citing the Incarnation as proof.

Demons possess knowledge of temporal things but lack charity. This makes them proud, leading them to demand worship due only to the true God.

Scripture records demons recognizing Jesus' power and authority, fearing His judgment. This knowledge, however, is devoid of love.

Holy angels contemplate eternal truths in God, despising temporal things. Demons only foresee temporal events through signs and are frequently deceived.

Augustine acknowledges Scripture uses 'gods' for angels and just men, but asserts that the 'God of gods' is the supreme Creator. The title 'demon' is never used in a good sense in Scripture.

Demons are wicked mediators who grudge men blessedness. Good spirits are blessed creatures who direct men to worship the Creator alone.

Augustine defines the specific type of worship due to God alone, using the Greek term 'latria' to distinguish it from general service or honor paid to men. He argues that this supreme worship belongs exclusively to the true God.

The true sacrifice is any work done to unite us to God in holy fellowship. This includes mercy, a contrite heart, and the offering of our bodies and souls to God. The Church, united in Christ, is the ultimate sacrifice offered to God.

Augustine analyzes Porphyry's skeptical letter to the Egyptian Anebo, where Porphyry exposes the absurdities of demon worship and theurgy. Despite this, Porphyry fails to fully embrace the truth of the one God.

Augustine rebukes Porphyry and the Platonists for their pride in rejecting the Incarnation because of its humility. He argues that their own philosophy regarding the soul's eternity and the world's blessedness should have made the Incarnation plausible to them.

Augustine asserts that no soul has been or can be delivered except through this universal way of Christ. He transitions to the next part of the work, which will detail the origin and ends of the two cities—the City of God and the earthly city.

Citing Psalms, Augustine establishes the divine authority and glory of the City of God, inspiring a desire for its citizenship.

The citizens of the earthly city prefer their own gods, failing to recognize the true God of gods. Augustine notes that the previous ten books addressed these enemies.

Augustine states that the foundations of the two cities were originally laid in the difference that arose among the angels.

Man must pass beyond the mutable creation to attain the unchangeable substance of God, learning that God alone made all things.

Because the human mind is disabled by vice, it requires purification by faith through the God-man, Christ Jesus, who bridges the gap between man and God.

Augustine refutes the notion that the world is eternal, arguing that the world's order testifies to its creation by God.

He refutes the Platonic idea that the world always existed as a created world, showing that this leads to contradictions regarding the soul's misery and God's immutability.

Though not explicitly named in Genesis, the angels are included in 'heaven' or 'light.' They praised God at the creation of the stars.

Augustine identifies the angels with the light created on the first day, illuminated by the unchangeable Light of the Son.

Augustine allows for the view that angels were created before the material world, seeing the Trinity in 'In the Beginning.'

The 'light' represents the City of God (holy angels), and 'darkness' represents the earthly city (demons). This separation is the foundation of the two cities.

Augustine briefly mentions and critiques the idea that the 'waters' above the firmament refer to angels, affirming instead the literal creation of elements.

The two cities (good and bad) are composed of both angels and men. The difference between good and bad angels arises from will, not nature, as God created both essences.

The good angels are blessed because they adhere to God, the supreme good. The wicked are miserable because they forsake Him for their own private good.

Since God is the supreme existence (I AM), the only contrary to Him is non-entity. Therefore, there is no evil nature co-existent with God.

Enemies of God are enemies by vice, not nature. Vice injures the good nature of the creature; thus, vice cannot exist without a good nature to corrupt.

Even irrational and lifeless creatures, in their proper order, glorify God. Their corruption or perishing serves the beauty of the whole universe.

There is no efficient cause of the first evil will. A good will cannot cause evil, and a bad will presupposes a prior evil will, leading to an infinite regress.

The evil will is not an effecting of something but a defect (defection). Seeking its efficient cause is like trying to see darkness or hear silence.

The will becomes evil by turning from the immutable good to mutable goods (e.g., pride, avarice). The fault lies in the inordinate love, not the object loved.

The good angels could not have made their own will good without God. They were created with a holy love that enabled them to adhere to the Supreme Being.

The holy angels, united by the love of God shed abroad in their hearts, form the City of God. This city now includes men gathered from the mortal race.

Arguments claiming the human race is eternal or that the world has existed for thousands of years are false and contradict Scripture.

Theories of endless cycles or repeating worlds are rejected. Any finite time, no matter how long, is infinitesimal compared to eternity.

God created man in time not by a new decision, but by His eternal design. He is always Lord, and His creation does not imply change in Him.

God's knowledge comprehends all things, including infinite numbers. He does not need repetitive cycles to know His works; His foreknowledge is eternal and simple.

It is impious to suggest that the blessed must return to misery in cycles. True religion promises eternal, uninterrupted blessedness.

If the soul is delivered from misery never to return, this is a new event that has not happened before, contradicting the theory that nothing new happens under the sun.

Even if the soul fell into misery by accident or sin, the fact that this new experience was foreseen and provided for by God shows that novelty is compatible with the order of nature.

If souls are not new but have existed from eternity to populate the world, there must be an infinite number of them, which contradicts the finite order of nature known by God.

Whether the number of ransomed souls is indefinitely increased or definite, the fact that this number grows or began to exist implies a creation of something that previously did not exist.

Since the number of the redeemed had a beginning, that beginning required the creation of the first man.

Unlike animals created in groups, man was created singly to commend the unity of society and family affection, binding humanity together by a common nature and origin.

Woman was created from the man's side to further emphasize the derivation of the whole human race from one source.

Despite being created for unity, man's disobedience leads to a state worse than that of beasts, waging wars that animals do not.

The derivation from one man serves to teach the value of unity to the multitude of the godly whom God foresaw saving.

Man was created with a soul capable of reason, excelling all other earthly creatures.

God's work is not physical or manual but invisible and powerful; His 'hand' is His power, creating from nothing or from existing material without the limitations of human craft.

While angels may aid in production, they are not creators, just as gardeners are not the creators of the fruits they tend.

The internal form and life of creatures proceed from God's secret choice, not from external artificers. He gives being to all natures.

If Platonists believe bodies are punishments for the soul, they should not worship the supposed creators of those bodies as gods.

In Adam, God foresaw those who would be associated with good angels in reward and those with the wicked in punishment.

God's governance ensures that neither His grace is unjust nor His justice cruel, as He orders all paths in mercy and truth.

Explanation of how the first death affects both the soul and the body, and how the 'death of the whole man' occurs when God forsakes the soul, which in turn forsakes the body.

Description of the second death as the eternal state where the soul is tormented in the body without God, contrasting it with the temporary separation of the first death.

Analysis of how Adam's sin changed human nature, making death a natural consequence for his offspring, whereas originally man was created immortal conditional upon obedience.

Resolution of the difficulty that death is a punishment of sin, yet the regenerated still die. Augustine explains that death is retained to test faith and allow for martyrdom.

Comparison to the Law: just as the wicked misuse the Law, the righteous make a holy use of death, turning a penalty into a path to glory.

Augustine posits that from the moment of birth, man moves ceaselessly toward death; therefore, this life is more accurately described as death than life.

Exploration of the difficulty in defining the state of 'dying'—one is either living or dead—and a linguistic observation on the Latin word for dying.

Description of how God forsook Adam and Eve, leading to shame and the loss of control over their bodily members, initiating the internal war between flesh and spirit.

Explanation that all humanity was seminally present in Adam, and thus all inherit his corrupted nature and the necessity of death, barring the intervention of grace.

Refutation of the idea that the soul is blessed only when separated from the body, citing Plato's own admission that the gods are bound to their bodies eternally.

Argument that God has the power to make earthly bodies incorruptible and capable of inhabiting heaven, just as He sustains the world and the stars.

Distinction between the natural body (living soul) subject to death and the spiritual body (quickening spirit) promised to the saints, which surpasses even Adam's pre-fall state.

Defense of the historical reality of Paradise while acknowledging valid spiritual allegories, and clarification of the 'breath of life' given to Adam.

Clarification that the breath of life given to Adam was the creation of the rational soul, distinct from the Holy Spirit given to the disciples, though both proceed from God.