Chapter 3: EDITOR'S PREFACE.
“Rome having been stormed and sacked by the Goths under Alaric their king, the worshippers of false gods, or pagans, as we commonly call them, made an attempt to attribute this calamity to the Christian religion, and began to blaspheme the true God with even more than their wonted bitterness and acerbity. It was this which kindled my zeal for the house of God, and prompted me to undertake the defence of the city of God against the charges and misrepresentations of its assailants.”
“Of these, the first five refute those who fancy that the polytheistic worship is necessary in order to secure worldly prosperity, and that all these overwhelming calamities have befallen us in consequence of its prohibition. In the following five books I address myself to those who admit that such calamities have at all times attended, and will at all times attend, the human race… but, while admitting this, maintain that the worship of the gods is advantageous for the life to come.”
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Here Augustine outlines the structure of the first half of his work, distinguishing between two distinct pagan errors. He separates the critique of gods as guarantors of temporal safety from the critique of gods as guarantors of eternal happiness, demonstrating the comprehensive scope of his refutation.
“But that no one might have occasion to say, that though I had refuted the tenets of other men, I had omitted to establish my own, I devote to this object the second part of this work, which comprises twelve books… Of these twelve books, the first four contain an account of the origin of these two cities–the city of God, and the city of the world. The second four treat of their history or progress; the third and last four, of their deserved destinies.”
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This quote is crucial for understanding the architecture of the City of God. Augustine transitions from negative apologetics (refuting paganism) to positive theology, defining the famous framework of the Two Cities—their origin, development, and ultimate ends—which serves as the backbone of his philosophy of history.
“Their difficulties were rather political, historical, and social. They could not see how the reception of the Christian rule of life was compatible with the interests of Rome as the mistress of the world.”
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The editor highlights a key insight into the nature of the opposition Augustine faced. The objection was not purely theological or philosophical but deeply rooted in the political identity of the Roman Empire, which viewed Christianity as incompatible with its traditional role as the ruler of the world.
“He directs the attention of men to the fact that there is another kingdom on earth,–a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God. He teaches men to take profounder views of history, and shows them how from the first the city of God, or community of God’s people, has lived alongside of the kingdoms of this world and their glory, and has been silently increasing…”
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This commentary captures the essence of Augustine’s “philosophy of history.” It emphasizes the distinction between the temporal, earthly city and the eternal, spiritual city, asserting that true human destiny is not bound to the fate of any earthly empire, no matter how vast.
“In other words, the city of God is ‘the first real effort to produce a philosophy of history,’ to exhibit historical events in connection with their true causes, and in their real sequence.”
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The editor identifies the unique intellectual contribution of the work. By framing the text as the first genuine philosophy of history, the quote underscores Augustine’s intention to look beyond mere surface events to the divine causalities governing the rise and fall of nations.
Chapter 4: BOOK FIRST.
For the King and Founder of this city of which we speak, has in Scripture uttered to His people a dictum of the divine law in these words: “God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace unto the humble.” But this, which is God’s prerogative, the inflated ambition of a proud spirit also affects, and dearly loves that this be numbered among its attributes, to “Show pity to the humbled soul, And crush the sons of pride.”
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Augustine establishes the fundamental contrast between the two cities: the earthly city is driven by the lust for domination, while the City of God is founded on humility and divine grace. This sets the theological stage for his entire argument, defining the spiritual conflict behind the political and military turmoil of Rome.
All the spoiling, then, which Rome was exposed to in the recent calamity–all the slaughter, plundering, burning, and misery–was the result of the custom of war. But what was novel, was that savage barbarians showed themselves in so gentle a guise, that the largest churches were chosen and set apart for the purpose of being filled with the people to whom quarter was given, and that in them none were slain, from them none forcibly dragged.
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Here Augustine crystallizes his defense against the pagan accusation that Christianity caused the sack of Rome. He argues that the violence was standard for war, but the mercy shown in Christian churches was an anomaly directly attributable to the name of Christ, which restrained the barbarian fury in a way pagan gods never did.
For as the same fire causes gold to glow brightly, and chaff to smoke; and under the same flail the straw is beaten small, while the grain is cleansed; and as the lees are not mixed with the oil, though squeezed out of the vat by the same pressure, so the same violence of affliction proves, purges, clarifies the good, but damns, ruins, exterminates the wicked.
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Augustine addresses the problem of why good and bad people suffer alike. Using vivid metaphors, he explains that temporal suffering affects the righteous and the wicked differently, serving as a refining fire for the faithful while bringing destruction upon the wicked, thus refuting the idea that disaster implies God’s abandonment.
They lost all they had. Their faith? Their godliness? The possessions of the hidden man of the heart, which in the sight of God are of great price? Did they lose these? For these are the wealth of Christians, to whom the wealthy apostle said, “Godliness with contentment is great gain.”
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In this section, Augustine comforts those who lost material possessions by distinguishing between temporal wealth and spiritual riches. He argues that the true wealth of Christians—faith and godliness—remains untouched by earthly calamity, urging believers to store up treasure in heaven rather than on earth.
Let this, therefore, in the first place, be laid down as an unassailable position, that the virtue which makes the life good has its throne in the soul, and thence rules the members of the body, which becomes holy in virtue of the holiness of the will; and that while the will remains firm and unshaken, nothing that another person does with the body, or upon the body, is any fault of the person who suffers it, so long as he cannot escape it without sin.
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Augustine makes a critical doctrinal assertion regarding the sanctity of Christian women who were violated. He locates virtue in the soul and the will, arguing that physical violence without consent does not pollute the soul, thereby defending the chastity of the victims against pagan mockery.
It is not without significance, that in no passage of the holy canonical books there can be found either divine precept or permission to take away our own life, whether for the sake of entering on the enjoyment of immortality, or of shunning, or ridding ourselves of anything whatever. Nay, the law, rightly interpreted, even prohibits suicide, where it says, “Thou shalt not kill.”
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Augustine delivers a rigorous theological refutation of suicide, a topic he addresses because some Romans praised Lucretia for killing herself after rape. He interprets the commandment against murder universally to include the self, condemning suicide as a detestable wickedness that leaves no room for repentance.
In truth, these two cities are entangled together in this world, and intermixed until the last judgment effect their separation.
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This concluding quote succinctly summarizes the eschatological view of history that Augustine proposes. He acknowledges that the City of God and the earthly city are intermingled in the present age, a reality that explains why Christians share in the sufferings of the temporal world while holding a different eternal destiny.
Chapter 5: BOOK SECOND.
First of all, we would ask why their gods took no steps to improve the morals of their worshippers. That the true God should neglect those who did not seek His help, that was but justice; but why did those gods, from whose worship ungrateful men are now complaining that they are prohibited, issue no laws which might have guided their devotees to a virtuous life?
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Augustine establishes a fundamental criterion for true divinity: the provision of moral guidance. He argues that the pagan gods failed their worshippers by remaining silent on ethical conduct, contrasting this silence with the active moral legislation of the true God. This sets the stage for his broader argument that the “protection” offered by these gods was illusory because they did not guard the soul, which is the most vital part of man.
If these are sacred rites, what is sacrilege? If this is purification, what is pollution?
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Augustine uses a rhetorical chiasmus to highlight the inversion of values in pagan worship. By describing the obscene rites of the mother of the gods as “purification,” he exposes the demonic nature of these deities, who delight in filth rather than true holiness. This quote crystallizes his argument that the gods were not guardians of public decency but corrupters of it.
The Greeks give us the major premiss: If such gods are to be worshipped, then certainly such men may be honoured. The Romans add the minor: But such men must by no means be honoured. The Christians draw the conclusion: Therefore such gods must by no means be worshipped.
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Augustine employs a formal syllogism to dismantle the logical consistency of Roman paganism. He uses the Roman disdain for actors to disprove the validity of the gods who demand theatrical performances. This logical trap demonstrates that Roman civic virtue was actually at odds with the worship of their own gods, a contradiction that only Christianity resolves.
For after Sallust had stated that the Romans enjoyed greater harmony and a purer state of society between the second and third Punic wars than at any other time… he then goes on to say: “Yet, after the destruction of Carthage, discord, avarice, ambition, and the other vices which are commonly generated by prosperity, more than ever increased.”
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Augustine cites the Roman historian Sallust to prove that the Republic’s moral collapse occurred long before Christ, specifically after the fall of Carthage. This historical evidence is crucial for refuting the pagan claim that Christianity caused Rome’s decline; instead, he shows that the removal of external fear allowed innate vice to flourish, unchecked by the pagan gods.
For it is through our vices, and not by any mishap, that we retain only the name of a republic, and have long since lost the reality.
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Quoting Cicero, Augustine delivers a crushing blow to the nostalgia for the Roman Republic. He argues that the Republic had ceased to exist not because of external invasion, but because of internal moral decay—specifically the loss of justice. This supports his thesis that the false gods failed to preserve the state because they failed to instill justice in the hearts of the citizens.
The truth is, as I have often said, and as Scripture informs us, and as the facts themselves sufficiently indicate, the demons are found to look after their own ends only, that they may be regarded and worshipped as gods, and that men may be induced to offer to them a worship which associates them with their crimes, and involves them in one common wickedness and judgment of God.
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Augustine identifies the pagan gods as demons whose primary goal is to secure worship for themselves, regardless of the moral cost to humanity. By associating men with their own crimes through theatrical exhibitions and licentious rites, these demons drag human souls down with them into judgment. This is a pivotal doctrinal assertion explaining the mechanism of the “City of Man’s” corruption.
They, then, are but abandoned and ungrateful wretches, in deep and fast bondage to that malign spirit, who complain and murmur that men are rescued by the name of Christ from the hellish thraldom of these unclean spirits, and from a participation in their punishment, and are brought out of the night of pestilential ungodliness into the light of most healthful piety.
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In the concluding exhortation, Augustine contrasts the “health-giving” nature of Christianity with the destructive bondage of paganism. He portrays the pagans’ complaints against Christianity as ingratitude, arguing that Christ liberates men from the spiritual slavery imposed by demons. This quote summarizes the chapter’s ultimate purpose: to shift the Romans’ allegiance from the corrupting earthly city to the healing City of God.
Chapter 6: BOOK THIRD.
For evil men account those things alone evil which do not make men evil; neither do they blush to praise good things, and yet to remain evil among the good things they praise. It grieves them more to own a bad house than a bad life, as if it were man’s greatest good to have everything good but himself.
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Augustine critiques the pagan valuation of good and evil, noting that worldly men prioritize material comfort over moral integrity. This distinction sets the stage for his argument that the gods failed to provide even the inferior, bodily protections that the heathen valued most highly.
For in various times and places before the advent of our Redeemer, the human race was crushed with numberless and sometimes incredible calamities; and at that time what gods but those did the world worship, if you except the one nation of the Hebrews, and, beyond them, such individuals as the most secret and most just judgment of God counted worthy of divine grace?
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Here Augustine establishes the historical scope of his defense: the world worshipped pagan gods exclusively for centuries, yet suffered immense disasters. This serves as a crucial evidentiary premise that the presence of these gods did not safeguard the Roman Empire from ruin.
First, then, why was Troy or Ilium, the cradle of the Roman people (for I must not overlook nor disguise what I touched upon in the first book), betrayed by the gods to the Greeks, and sacked by them?
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Augustine turns to the legendary origins of Rome to demonstrate the impotence of the gods. By questioning the destruction of Troy—the supposed mother city—he implies that if the gods could not or would not save their own sacred citadel, they possess no power to guarantee Rome’s safety.
Chapter 7: first book[116]), conquered, taken, and destroyed by the Greeks,
There may be some doubt whether it is not a worse crime to believe such persons to be gods, than to cheat such gods.
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Augustine highlights the absurdity of the pagan myths where gods are defrauded by mortals like Laomedon. He argues that it is logically more shameful to worship deities who are foolish enough to be cheated than to worship the mortals who cheated them, thereby undermining the dignity of the Roman pantheon.
If, then, the gods were of opinion that the adultery of Paris should be punished, it was chiefly the Romans, or at least the Romans also, who should have suffered; for the adultery was brought about by Æneas’ mother.
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Augustine attacks the inconsistency of the gods punishing Troy for Paris’s adultery while ignoring the fact that Aeneas, the progenitor of Rome, was born of Venus’s adultery with Anchises. This exposes the moral hypocrisy of the gods and invalidates the pagan justification for the destruction of Troy.
But he maintains it is useful for states that brave men believe, though falsely, that they are descended from the gods; for that thus the human spirit, cherishing the belief of its divine descent, will both more boldly venture into great enterprises…
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Citing the scholar Varro, Augustine reveals that even educated pagans admitted the myths were politically useful lies. This concession is crucial for Augustine’s argument because it demonstrates that Roman religion was founded on intentional deception rather than truth.
I add another instance: If the sins of men so greatly incensed those divinities, that they abandoned Troy to fire and sword to punish the crime of Paris, the murder of Romulus’ brother ought to have incensed them more against the Romans than the cajoling of a Greek husband moved them against the Trojans…
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Augustine contrasts the punishment of Troy with the impunity of Rome, specifically noting the fratricide of Romulus. He argues that if the gods were just, Rome should have been destroyed for the murder of Remus, a crime far worse than adultery, yet the gods instead favored Rome.
Thus was Ilium requited, not by the Greeks, whom she had provoked by wrong-doing; but by the Romans, who had been built out of her ruins; while the gods, adored alike of both sides, did simply nothing, or, to speak more correctly, could do nothing.
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Augustine points to the historical destruction of Ilium (Troy) by the Roman general Fimbria as proof of the gods’ powerlessness. Since the gods worshipped by both Rome and Troy failed to save the city, they are shown to be useless guardians.
Why must a kingdom be distracted in order to be great? In this little world of man’s body, is it not better to have a moderate stature, and health with it, than to attain the huge dimensions of a giant by unnatural torments…
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Here Augustine critiques the Roman lust for empire, using the metaphor of the human body to argue that peaceful health is preferable to vast expansion achieved through constant warfare and suffering. He challenges the Roman definition of “greatness” which is built on bloodshed.
The Romans, then, conquered that they might, with hands stained in the blood of their fathers-in-law, wrench the miserable girls from their embrace…
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Augustine vividly describes the moral horror of the Rape of the Sabine Women, emphasizing that the resulting war stained the Romans with the blood of their own in-laws. He argues that Venus, the goddess of love, failed to provide a moral solution, leading instead to Bellona-like violence.
To me, this one girl seems to have been more humane than the whole Roman people. I cannot think her to blame for lamenting the man to whom already she had plighted her troth…
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In the tragic story of the Horatii and Curiatii, Augustine defends the sister of the Horatii who wept for her betro slain by her brother. He contrasts her natural humanity with the Roman state’s glorification of such “parricidal” victories against their own mother-city, Alba.
Where, then, were those gods who are supposed to be justly worshipped for the slender and delusive prosperity of this world, when the Romans, who were seduced to their service by lying wiles, were harassed by such calamities?
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Augustine demands to know the location of the gods during the Republic’s endless calamities, such as plagues, famines, and military defeats. He asserts that the gods were either absent or impotent during the very times they were most invoked, proving their inability to protect the state.
From this field of battle he sent to Carthage three bushels of gold rings, signifying that so much of the rank of Rome had that day fallen, that it was easier to give an idea of it by measure than by numbers…
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Describing the catastrophic defeat at Cannae, Augustine emphasizes the sheer scale of Roman loss. He uses the vivid image of the bushels of gold rings to illustrate the failure of the gods to prevent Rome from being brought to the brink of total destruction by Hannibal.
Could these gods, these debauchees and gourmands, whose mouths water for fat sacrifices, and whose lips utter lying divinations,–could they not do anything in a case like this?
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Augustine mocks the gods’ inability to save Saguntum, a faithful Roman ally, from Hannibal. He contrasts the gods’ supposed appetite for sacrifices with their total lack of compassion or power to save a city perishing specifically because of its loyalty to Rome.
A pretty decree of the senate it was, truly, by which the temple of Concord was built on the spot where that disastrous rising had taken place, and where so many citizens of every rank had fallen.
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Augustine sarcastically critiques the building of the Temple of Concord on the site of the massacre of the Gracchi and their followers. He sees this as the ultimate irony—worshipping Concord in a place defined by Discord and bloodshed—highlighting the futility of Roman piety.
What fury of foreign nations, what barbarian ferocity, can compare with this victory of citizens over citizens?
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Augustine argues that the civil wars between Marius and Sulla were far more brutal and destructive than any foreign invasion. He emphasizes that Roman citizens slaughtered each other in the streets and temples with a savagery that exceeded even that of barbarians like the Gauls or Goths.
With what effrontery, then, with what assurance, with what impudence, with what folly, or rather insanity, do they refuse to impute these disasters to their own gods, and impute the present to our Christ!
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In the concluding argument of the chapter, Augustine condemns the audacity of pagans who blame Christianity for contemporary disasters while refusing to hold their own gods accountable for the centuries of bloodshed, civil war, and misery that occurred under their protection.
Chapter 8: BOOK FOURTH.[155]
Justice being taken away, then, what are kingdoms but great robberies? For what are robberies themselves, but little kingdoms? The band itself is made up of men; it is ruled by the authority of a prince, it is knit together by the pact of the confederacy; the booty is divided by the law agreed on. If, by the admittance of abandoned men, this evil increases to such a degree that it holds places, fixes abodes, takes possession of cities, and subdues peoples, it assumes the more plainly the name of a kingdom, because the reality is now manifestly conferred on it, not by the removal of covetousness, but by the addition of impunity. Indeed, that was an apt and true reply which was given to Alexander the Great by a pirate who had been seized. For when that king had asked the man what he meant by keeping hostile possession of the sea, he answered with bold pride, “What thou meanest by seizing the whole earth; but because I do it with a petty ship, I am called a robber, whilst thou who dost it with a great fleet art styled emperor.”
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This is one of Augustine’s most famous and enduring political definitions. It serves as a crucial pivot in the chapter, moving the argument from a critique of specific pagan deities to a philosophical examination of the nature of earthly power itself. By equating a kingdom to a large robbery and citing the pirate’s retort to Alexander the Great, Augustine strips the Roman Empire of its supposed glory, reducing it to a matter of scale and impunity rather than justice.
Therefore that God, the author and giver of felicity, because He alone is the true God, Himself gives earthly kingdoms both to good and bad. Neither does He do this rashly, and, as it were, fortuitously,–because He is God, not fortune,–but according to the order of things and times, which is hidden from us, but thoroughly known to Himself; which same order of times, however, He does not serve as subject to it, but Himself rules as lord and appoints as governor. Felicity He gives only to the good. Whether a man be a subject or a king makes no difference: he may equally either possess or not possess it. And it shall be full in that life where kings and subjects exist no longer.
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This quote represents the theological climax of Book IV. Augustine synthesizes his historical critique of Rome and his refutation of the pagan gods into a positive doctrine of Divine Providence. He asserts that the rise and fall of empires are not determined by the capricious favor of minor deities, but by the sovereign will of the One True God, who orchestrates history according to a hidden, rational order. This distinction between earthly power (given to both good and bad) and true felicity (given only to the good) is foundational to his broader dichotomy between the City of Man and the City of God.
But if they are afraid lest parts of him should be angry at being passed by or neglected, then it is not the case, as they will have it, that this whole is as the life of one living being, which contains all the gods together, as if they were its virtues, or members, or parts; but each part has its own life separate from the rest, if it is so that one can be angered, appeased, or stirred up more than another. But if it is said that all together,–that is, the whole Jove himself,–would be offended if his parts were not also worshipped singly and minutely, it is foolishly spoken. Surely none of them could be passed by if he who singly possesses them all should be worshipped.
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Augustine employs a reductio ad absurdum here to dismantle the Stoic and Varroic concept that all the gods are merely aspects or parts of a single divine soul (Jove). He argues that if the pagan gods require individual worship to avoid anger, they cannot logically be unified in one essence; they must be separate, petty entities. This argument is central to his refutation of “high” pagan theology, exposing the logical inconsistency of worshipping a multitude of gods while simultaneously claiming they are all one.
What sensible man does not see that men, being put upon by malignant demons, from whose domination nothing save the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord sets free, have been compelled by force to exhibit to such gods as these, plays which, if well advised, they should condemn as shameful? Certain it is that in these plays the poetic crimes of the gods are celebrated, yet they are plays which were re-established by decree of the senate, under compulsion of the gods. In these plays the most shameless actors celebrated Jupiter as the corrupter of chastity, and thus gave him pleasure. If that was a fiction, he would have been moved to anger; but if he was delighted with the representation of his crimes, even although fabulous, then, when he happened to be worshipped, who but the devil could be served?
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Here Augustine connects the immorality of pagan worship with the demonic nature of the gods. By citing the story of Titus Latinius and the Senate’s decree to renew games to appease the gods, he argues that true divinity would not demand or delight in the obscene reenactment of sexual crimes. This serves as a moral proof that the entities demanding such worship are not gods, but demons who delight in human shame, thereby disqualifying them as the source of Roman nobility or empire.
Without the goddess Rumina they sucked; without Cunina they were cradled; without Educa and Potina they took food and drink; without all those puerile gods they were educated; without the nuptial gods they were married; without the worship of Priapus they had conjugal intercourse; without invocation of Neptune the divided sea opened up a way for them to pass over, and overwhelmed with its returning waves their enemies who pursued them… And, in a word, everything for which the Romans thought they must supplicate so great a crowd of false gods, they received much more happily from the one true God.
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In this concluding historical argument, Augustine contrasts the history of the Jews with that of the Romans. He lists the numerous minor Roman gods required for every human function and asserts that the Israelites prospered in all these things without them, relying solely on the One True God. This rhetorical accumulation serves to demonstrate the redundancy and impotence of the Roman pantheon, proving that the true God is the sole provider of all human needs, from infancy to military victory.
Chapter 9: BOOK FIFTH.[183]
The cause, then, of the greatness of the Roman empire is neither fortuitous nor fatal, according to the judgment or opinion of those who call those things fortuitous which either have no causes, or such causes as do not proceed from some intelligible order, and those things fatal which happen independently of the will of God and man, by the necessity of a certain order. In a word, human kingdoms are established by divine providence.
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Augustine establishes the foundational thesis of the book: that the rise of Rome was not a result of blind chance or stellar determinism (fate), but was orchestrated by the specific will and providence of God. This sets the stage for his argument that God uses earthly empires for His own purposes, independent of the false gods worshipped by Romans.
But, as to those who call by the name of fate, not the disposition of the stars as it may exist when any creature is conceived, or born, or commences its existence, but the whole connection and train of causes which makes everything become what it does become, there is no need that I should labour and strive with them in a merely verbal controversy, since they attribute the so-called order and connection of causes to the will and power of God most high.
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Here Augustine redefines the concept of “fate” to strip it of its astrological and pagan connotations. He accepts the term only if it is understood as the chain of causes governed by God’s will, effectively co-opting the Stoic language to serve Christian theology.
But, let these perplexing debatings and disputations of the philosophers go on as they may, we, in order that we may confess the most high and true God Himself, do confess His will, supreme power, and prescience. Neither let us be afraid lest, after all, we do not do by will that which we do by will, because He, whose foreknowledge is infallible, foreknew that we would do it.
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This is a crucial assertion regarding the compatibility of divine foreknowledge and human free will. Augustine argues that God’s knowledge of our future actions does not negate our will to perform them; rather, His knowledge encompasses our free choices as causes within His order.
Wherefore, if I should choose to apply the name of fate to anything at all, I should rather say that fate belongs to the weaker of two parties, will to the stronger, who has the other in his power, than that the freedom of our will is excluded by that order of causes, which, by an unusual application of the word peculiar to themselves, the Stoics call Fate.
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Augustine employs a powerful analogy to explain the relationship between God’s will and human will. He suggests that “fate” implies subjection to a stronger power, but since God is omnipotent, human will is not destroyed by His foreknowledge but operates within the power He grants it.
That eagerness for praise and desire of glory, then, was that which accomplished those many wonderful things, laudable, doubtless, and glorious according to human judgment. Every other desire was repressed by the strength of their passion for that one thing.
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Augustine identifies the specific “virtue” of the Romans: a singular desire for glory and praise. He argues that this passion, though a vice when compared to true piety, acted as a restraint that allowed them to achieve earthly greatness by suppressing other vices like avarice and luxury.
For as to those who seem to do some good that they may receive glory from men, the Lord also says, “Verily I say unto you, they have received their reward.”
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This quote encapsulates Augustine’s evaluation of the Roman “virtues.” He acknowledges that they achieved earthly glory, but frames it strictly as a temporal reward given by God, distinct from the eternal reward reserved for the citizens of the City of God.
But we say that they are happy if they rule justly; if they are not lifted up amid the praises of those who pay them sublime honours, and the obsequiousness of those who salute them with an excessive humility, but remember that they are men; if they make their power the handmaid of His majesty by using it for the greatest possible extension of His worship.
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Augustine provides his definition of true happiness for a Christian emperor. It is not defined by military success or long life, but by piety, humility, justice, and the use of power to serve God rather than self.
And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when, compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of the church, did penance in such a way that the sight of his imperial loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep more than the consciousness of offence had made them fear it when enraged?
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Augustine cites Emperor Theodosius as the supreme example of a Christian ruler, highlighting his submission to church discipline. The emperor’s public penance for the massacre at Thessalonica demonstrates that even the highest earthly authority is subject to the moral law of God.
Chapter 10: BOOK SIXTH.
In the five former books, I think I. have sufficiently disputed against those who believe that the many false gods, which the Christian truth shows to be useless images, or unclean spirits and pernicious demons, or certainly creatures, not the Creator, are to be worshipped for the advantage of this mortal life, and of terrestrial affairs, with that rite and service which the Greeks call λατρεία, and which is due to the one true God.
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Augustine here marks a crucial structural transition in his work. Having spent the first five books dismantling the pagan argument that gods must be worshipped for temporal safety and prosperity, he summarizes the completion of that phase. This quote establishes the foundation for the new argument: that worship due to the Creator alone has been misdirected toward creatures, demons, and images for earthly gain.
And who does not know that, in the face of excessive stupidity and obstinacy, neither these five nor any other number of books whatsoever could be enough, when it is esteemed the glory of vanity to yield to no amount of strength on the side of truth?
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This passage highlights Augustine’s pastoral and rhetorical awareness of human stubbornness. He acknowledges that rational argument has limits when dealing with “excessive stupidity,” identifying the prideful refusal to yield to truth as a spiritual disease. It serves as a caveat that his proof is sufficient for reasonable minds, though it may not convince those willfully blinded by vice.
Now, as, in the next place (as the promised order demands), those are to be refuted and taught who contend that the gods of the nations, which the Christian truth destroys, are to be worshipped not on account of this life, but on account of that which is to be after death, I shall do well to commence my disputation with the truthful oracle of the holy psalm, “Blessed is the man whose hope is the Lord God, and who respecteth not Vanities and lying follies.”
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Here Augustine explicitly states the thesis for the next section of his work: shifting the target from those who seek temporal benefits to those who worship pagan gods for the sake of eternal life. By invoking the Psalmist, he contrasts the true hope found in the Lord with the “vanities and lying follies” of pagan theology, framing the upcoming debate as a choice between true blessedness and false superstition.
Nevertheless, in all vanities and lying follies the philosophers are to be listened to with far more toleration, who have repudiated those opinions and errors of the people; for the people set up images to the deities, and either feigned concerning those whom they call immortal gods many false and unworthy things, or believed them, already feigned, and, when believed, mixed them up with their worship and sacred rites.
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Augustine distinguishes between the vulgar polytheism of the masses and the more abstract theology of the philosophers. He grants greater toleration to the philosophers because they often reject the immoral myths and fables embraced by the common people. This distinction is strategic, allowing him to engage with the more sophisticated intellectual defenses of paganism while dismissing the crude superstitions of the populace.
With those men who, though not by free avowal of their convictions, do still testify that they disapprove of those things by their muttering disapprobation during disputations on the subject, it may not be very far amiss to discuss the following question: Whether, for the sake of the life which is to be after death, we ought to worship, not the one God, who made all creatures spiritual and corporeal, but those many gods who, as some of these philosophers hold, were made by that one God, and placed by Him in their respective sublime spheres, and are therefore considered more excellent and more noble than all the others?
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This quote poses the central theological question of the book: if the many gods are merely creatures made by the one God, should they be worshipped instead of the Creator for the sake of the afterlife? Augustine sets up a logical trap for the philosophers, probing the coherence of worshipping subordinate beings (even if placed in “sublime spheres”) rather than the supreme Being who authored them.
Chapter 11: fourth book,[228] to whom are distributed, each to each, the charges
Will not these Lymphs,–for they are wont to be very easily made laugh,–laughing loudly (if they do not attempt to deceive like demons), answer the suppliant, “O man, dost thou think that we have life (vitam) in our power, who thou hearest have not even the vine (vitem)?”
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Augustine employs a biting pun on the Latin words for life (vitam) and vine (vitem) to illustrate the absurdity of asking minor deities for eternal salvation. He argues that gods who possess jurisdiction over trivial, earthly elements—like the Lymphs over water—lack the power to bestow immortality. The request is as incongruous and laughable as asking a water deity for wine.
Wherefore, if, when we were inquiring what gods or goddesses are to be believed to be able to confer earthly kingdoms upon men, all things having been discussed, it was shown to be very far from the truth to think that even terrestrial kingdoms are established by any of those many false deities, is it not most insane impiety to believe that eternal life, which is, without any doubt or comparison, to be preferred to all terrestrial kingdoms, can be given to any one by any of these gods?
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This quote establishes a logical hierarchy of power: if the pagan gods could not grant earthly dominion (as proven in previous books), they certainly cannot grant eternal life, which is infinitely superior. Augustine characterizes the belief that these impotent spirits could offer such a reward as “insane impiety,” underscoring the vast gap between the gods’ supposed functions and the ultimate human desire.
But the true religion was not instituted by any earthly state, but plainly it established the celestial city. It, however, is inspired and taught by the true God, the giver of eternal life to His true worshippers.
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Augustine contrasts the human origin of pagan religion with the divine origin of true religion. By citing Varro’s admission that he wrote of human things before divine things because states existed before their religious institutions, Augustine argues that pagan gods are human inventions. In contrast, the “City of God” originates from the true God, not from any earthly polity.
Did the Latin usage permit, we should call the kind which he has placed first in order fabular,[235] but let us call it fabulous,[236] for mythical is derived from the Greek μῦθος, a fable; but that the second should be called natural, the usage of speech now admits; the third he himself has designated in Latin, calling it civil.[237]
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Here Augustine introduces Varro’s tripartite division of theology: mythical (poetic), natural (philosophical), and civil (state). This distinction is crucial for Augustine’s argument, as he proceeds to dismantle the civil and mythical theologies by showing their inherent immorality and falsity, leaving only the natural theology—which he will also later refute—as a potential, though insufficient, alternative.
For we find in it that one god has been born from the head, another from the thigh, another from drops of blood; also, in this we find that gods have stolen, committed adultery, served men; in a word, in this all manner of things are attributed to be gods, such as may befall, not merely any man, but even the most contemptible man.
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Augustine cites Varro’s own condemnation of the “fabulous” theology to highlight the degradation of the pagan gods. By attributing theft, adultery, and servitude to deities, the poets have reduced the gods to the level of, or lower than, the most contemptible men. Augustine uses this to argue that such beings are unworthy of worship and incapable of bestowing virtue or eternal life.
But that first kind, most false and most base, he has not removed from the citizens. Oh, the religious ears of the people, and among them even those of the Romans, that are not able to bear what the philosophers dispute concerning the gods! But when the poets sing and stage-players act such things as are derogatory to the dignity and the nature of the immortals, such as may befall not a man merely, but the most contemptible man, they not only bear, but willingly listen to.
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Augustine critiques the hypocrisy of the Roman populace, who reject the subtle disputes of philosophers yet eagerly embrace the obscene and immoral fables acted out in theaters. He argues that this willingness to listen to degrading stories about the gods reveals the people’s love for fiction over truth, a love that aligns them with demons rather than the divine.
For although we see that the city is in the world, we do not see that it follows that any things belonging to the city pertain to the world. For it is possible that such things may be worshipped and believed in the city, according to false opinions, as have no existence either in the world or out of it. But where is the theatre but in the city? Who instituted the theatre but the state?
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This passage connects the “civil” theology directly to the “fabulous” theology by pointing to their shared institutional origin: the State. Augustine argues that because the theater (where myths are performed) is a creation of the city, the civil religion is inextricably linked to the shameful myths. Therefore, one cannot separate the “honorable” state rites from the “base” theatrical representations.
What, then, are those sacred rites, for the performance of which holiness has chosen such men as not even the obscenity of the stage has admitted?
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Augustine delivers a scathing rebuke of the “sacred” rites of the Magna Mater (Cybele) and other deities, noting that the priests (Galli) are mutilated and effeminate. He argues that the theater, despite its obscenity, would not tolerate such performers, yet the “holy” temples not only accept but require them. This proves that the secret rites of the civil theology are far more detestable than public theatrical performances.
But in whatever way their sacred rites may be interpreted, and, whatever reference they may have to the nature of things, it is not according to nature, but contrary to nature, that men should be effeminates.
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Augustine refutes the defense that pagan rites have “natural” or allegorical meanings. He asserts that even if a rite symbolizes a natural process (like the castration of Attis representing seed falling into the earth), the act itself remains morally abhorrent and contrary to nature. Allegory cannot excuse the physical and spiritual corruption involved in the worship.
Why is the bedchamber filled with a crowd of deities, when even the groomsmen have departed? And, moreover, it is so filled, not that in consideration of their presence more regard may be paid to chastity, but that by their help the woman, naturally of the weaker sex, and trembling with the novelty of her situation, may the more readily yield her virginity.
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In this section, Augustine mocks the trivialization of the divine through the assignment of specific gods to every minute aspect of human physiology and the marriage act. He lists deities like Jugatinus, Subigus, and Pertunda, arguing that their presence turns the marital bed into a scene of immodesty and buffoonery, reducing a sacred human union to a farce managed by a committee of petty gods.
“One,” he says, “castrates himself, another cuts his arms. Where will they find room for the fear of these gods when angry, who use such means of gaining their favour when propitious? But gods who wish to be worshipped in this fashion should be worshipped in none.”
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Augustine invokes the philosopher Seneca to support his attack on civil theology. Seneca’s critique of self-mutilation and blood sacrifice highlights the madness of worshipping gods who demand such cruelty. This external testimony from a pagan philosopher reinforces Augustine’s argument that the state religion is irrational and unworthy of free men.
So, then, He only who gives true happiness gives eternal life, that is, an endlessly happy life. And since those gods whom this civil theology worships have been proved to be unable to give this happiness, they ought not to be worshipped on account of those temporal and terrestrial things, as we showed in the five former books, much less on account of eternal life, which is to be after death.
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Augustine concludes the chapter by defining eternal life as “endless happiness,” which can only be granted by the true God. He summarizes his refutation: since the pagan gods have been shown to be vain, immoral, and incapable of providing even temporal benefits, they are utterly impotent to grant eternal life. This serves as the definitive doctrinal assertion separating the City of God from the City of Man.
Chapter 12: BOOK SEVENTH.
A very great matter is at stake when the true and truly holy divinity is commended to men as that which they ought to seek after and to worship; not, however, on account of the transitory vapour of mortal life, but on account of life eternal, which alone is blessed, although the help necessary for this frail life we are now living is also afforded us by it.
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Augustine sets the stakes for the entire book, distinguishing the Christian pursuit of eternal life from the pagan pursuit of merely temporal benefits. He emphasizes that the true God is to be worshipped for the sake of blessedness that lasts forever, not for the fleeting advantages of the present world.
For, surely, without life and sensation, what is the whole fœtus which a woman carries in her womb, but a most vile and worthless thing, no better than slime and dust?
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Augustine exposes the absurdity of the Roman pantheon by pointing out that obscure, minor gods (Vitumnus and Sentinus) grant the essential gifts of life and sensation, while the “select” gods are relegated to menial biological tasks like opening the way for seed. This argument highlights the illogical hierarchy of a theology where the greatest gifts are administered by the least honored deities.
But if they say that only such things as come to life in flesh, and are supported by senses, are assigned to Sentinus, why does not that God who made all things live and feel, bestow on flesh also life and sensation, in the universality of His operation conferring also on fœtuses this gift?
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Augustine uses the fragmentation of pagan divine functions to argue for the sovereignty of the one true God. He contrasts the multitude of limited gods with the singular, universal power of the Creator who governs all life and sensation without needing to delegate such fundamental powers to minor deities.
Thy soul, so learned and so clever (and for this I grieve much for thee), could never through these mysteries have reached its God; that is, the God by whom, not with whom, it was made, of whom it is not a part, but a work,–that God who is not the soul of all things, but who made every soul, and in whose light alone every soul is blessed, if it be not ungrateful for His grace.
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In critiquing Varro’s natural theology, which posits that the world-soul is God, Augustine articulates a core doctrinal distinction: God is the Creator of the soul, not the soul itself. He asserts that true blessedness is found only in the light of the Creator, not in the contemplation of the created world or its parts.
For during the festival of Liber, this obscene member, placed on a car, was carried with great honour, first over the cross-roads in the country, and then into the city. But in the town of Lavinium a whole month was devoted to Liber alone, during the days of which all the people gave themselves up to the most dissolute conversation, until that member had been carried through the forum and brought to rest in its own place; on which unseemly member it was necessary that the most honourable matron should place a wreath in the presence of all the people.
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Augustine provides a graphic description of the obscene rites associated with Liber to demonstrate the moral degradation inherent in pagan worship. He argues that such public, institutionalized obscenity could not possibly lead to eternal life, contrasting the shamelessness of these rites with the purity required by true religion.
There the enchantment of fields is feared; here the amputation of members is not feared. There the modesty of the bride is outraged, but in such a manner as that neither her fruitfulness nor even her virginity is taken away; here a man is so mutilated that he is neither changed into a woman nor remains a man.
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Augustine condemns the cruel rites of the Great Mother (Cybele), specifically the castration of the Galli. He contrasts the agricultural superstitions of the past with the physical mutilation demanded in the present, arguing that such demonic cruelty renders the worship of these gods utterly abominable and incapable of conferring holiness.
For now let me say what I promised in the third book of this work to say in its proper place. For, as we read in the same Varro’s book on the worship of the gods, “A certain one Terentius had a field at the Janiculum, and once, when his ploughman was passing the plough near to the tomb of Numa Pompilius, he turned up from the ground the books of Numa, in which were written the causes of the sacred institutions; which books he carried to the prætor, who, having read the beginnings of them, referred to the senate what seemed to be a matter of so much importance. And when the chief senators had read certain of the causes why this or that rite was instituted, the senate assented to the dead Numa, and the conscript fathers, as though concerned for the interests of religion, ordered the prætor to burn the books.”
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Augustine recounts the historical discovery and subsequent burning of King Numa’s books by the Roman Senate. He uses this event to argue that the true origins of Roman sacred rites were too shameful to be preserved, suggesting that the rites themselves were founded on demonic secrets rather than divine wisdom.
For Numa himself also, to whom no prophet of God, no holy angel was sent, was driven to have recourse to hydromancy, that he might see the images of the gods in the water (or, rather, appearances whereby the demons made sport of him), and might learn from them what he ought to ordain and observe in the sacred rites.
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Augustine reveals that Numa Pompilius, the founder of Roman religious institutions, relied on necromancy (hydromancy) and demonic appearances to establish the state rites. This serves as a proof that the civil theology is not of human wisdom or divine origin, but of deceitful spirits.
We worship God,–not heaven and earth, of which two parts this world consists, nor the soul or souls diffused through all living things,–but God who made heaven and earth, and all things which are in them; who made every soul, whatever be the nature of its life, whether it have life without sensation and reason, or life with sensation, or life with both sensation and reason.
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Augustine summarizes the theological contrast between paganism and Christianity. While pagans worship the creation (the world, its elements, or its soul), Christians worship the Creator who made all things. He asserts that piety distinguishes the Author from the works, preventing the fragmentation of the one God into many.
For, besides such benefits as, according to this administration of nature of which we have made some mention, He lavishes on good and bad alike, we have from Him a great manifestation of great love, which belongs only to the good. For although we can never sufficiently give thanks to Him, that we are, that we live, that we behold heaven and earth, that we have mind and reason by which to seek after Him who made all these things, nevertheless, what hearts, what number of tongues, shall affirm that they are sufficient to render thanks to Him for this, that He hath not wholly departed from us, laden and overwhelmed with sins, averse to the contemplation of His light, and blinded by the love of darkness, that is, of iniquity, but hath sent to us His own Word, who is His only Son, that by His birth and suffering for us in the flesh, which He assumed, we might know how much God valued man, and that by that unique sacrifice we might be purified from all our sins, and that, love being shed abroad in our hearts by His Spirit, we might, having surmounted all difficulties, come into eternal rest, and the ineffable sweetness of the contemplation of Himself?
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In a powerful Christological passage, Augustine articulates the doctrine of grace. He contrasts God’s general providence (given to all) with His special love for the good, manifested in the Incarnation. He argues that eternal life and purification from sin are obtained not through the “select gods” or their rites, but through the unique sacrifice of God’s Son.
Chapter 13: BOOK EIGHTH.
We shall require to apply our mind with far greater intensity to the present question than was requisite in the solution and unfolding of the questions handled in the preceding books; for it is not with ordinary men, but with philosophers that we must confer concerning the theology which they call natural.
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Augustine marks a shift in his argument, moving from the critique of popular Roman religion (fabulous and civil theology) to the more rigorous domain of natural theology. This quote establishes the elevated intellectual stakes of Book VIII, as he prepares to engage not with the common populace but with the philosophical elite regarding the nature of the divine and the attainment of blessedness.
For I have not in this work undertaken to refute all the vain opinions of the philosophers, but only such as pertain to theology, which Greek word we understand to mean an account or explanation of the divine nature. Nor, again, have I undertaken to refute all the vain theological opinions of all the philosophers, but only of such of them as, agreeing in the belief that there is a divine nature, and that this divine nature is concerned about human affairs, do nevertheless deny that the worship of the one unchangeable God is sufficient for the obtaining of a blessed life after death, as well as at the present time; and hold that, in order to obtain that life, many gods, created, indeed, and appointed to their several spheres by that one God, are to be worshipped.
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Here Augustine precisely defines his target audience and the specific theological error he intends to refute. He narrows his focus to philosophers who acknowledge a supreme God yet insist on the worship of subordinate deities for salvation. This distinction is crucial for his subsequent argument that the Platonists, despite their superior understanding of the Supreme God, fail in their practice of polytheism.
To Plato is given the praise of having perfected philosophy by combining both parts into one. He then divides it into three parts,–the first moral, which is chiefly occupied with action; the second natural, of which the object is contemplation; and the third rational, which discriminates between the true and the false.
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Augustine provides a structural overview of Plato’s philosophical system, which he regards as the perfection of wisdom. By acknowledging Plato’s tripartite division of philosophy into moral, natural, and rational parts, Augustine sets the stage for evaluating how the Platonists fare in each of these domains compared to Christian truth.
Let all those philosophers, then, give place, as we have said, to the Platonists, and those also who have been ashamed to say that God is a body, but yet have thought that our souls are of the same nature as God. They have not been staggered by the great changeableness of the soul,–an attribute which it would be impious to ascribe to the divine nature,–but they say it is the body which changes the soul, for in itself it is unchangeable.
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Augustine argues for the superiority of the Platonists by contrasting their view of God with that of other philosophers. He commends the Platonists for recognizing that God is not a body and is unchangeable, while refuting the idea that the human soul, which is mutable, shares the same nature as God. This distinction underscores the transcendence of the Christian God compared to the philosophical conceptions of the soul.
And the light of our understandings, by which all things are learned by us, they have affirmed to be that selfsame God by whom all things were made.
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In the realm of rational philosophy, Augustine highlights the Platonist identification of the divine light with the human capacity for reason. By affirming that God is the source of all truth and understanding, the Platonists come closer to the Christian conception of God than the Stoics or Epicureans, who relied on sensory perception for knowledge.
Let, therefore, all these give place to those philosophers who have not affirmed that a man is blessed by the enjoyment of the body, or by the enjoyment of the mind, but by the enjoyment of God,–enjoying Him, however, not as the mind does the body or itself, or as one friend enjoys another, but as the eye enjoys light, if, indeed, we may draw any comparison between these things.
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Augustine praises the Platonists for correctly identifying the final good as the enjoyment of God rather than bodily pleasure or intellectual achievement. The simile of the eye enjoying light is a critical theological image for Augustine, emphasizing that God is the source of joy rather than an object alongside others.
Therefore he did not doubt that to philosophize is to love God, whose nature is incorporeal. Whence it certainly follows that the student of wisdom, that is, the philosopher, will then become blessed when he shall have begun to enjoy God.
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Augustine equates the love of God with the pursuit of wisdom and philosophy. This definition allows him to claim the Platonists as “lovers of God” in a sense, yet it sets up the tension that follows: if they truly love and enjoy the Supreme God, why do they persist in worshipping a multitude of lesser deities?
But the most striking thing in this connection, and that which most of all inclines me almost to assent to the opinion that Plato was not ignorant of those writings, is the answer which was given to the question elicited from the holy Moses when the words of God were conveyed to him by the angel; for, when he asked what was the name of that God who was commanding him to go and deliver the Hebrew people out of Egypt, this answer was given: “I am who am; and thou shalt say to the children of Israel, He who is sent me unto you;” as though compared with Him that truly is, because He is unchangeable, those things which have been created mutable are not,–a truth which Plato vehemently held, and most diligently commended.
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Augustine explores the possibility that Plato derived his high concept of God from the Hebrew Scriptures, specifically the divine name “I AM” (YHWH). He draws a parallel between the biblical assertion of God’s unchangeable being and Plato’s philosophical distinction between the truly existent (God) and mutable existence, suggesting a profound convergence between pagan philosophy and revealed truth.
All these, however, and the rest who were of the same school, and also Plato himself, thought that sacred rites ought to be performed in honour of many gods.
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Despite the extensive praise accorded to the Platonists for their metaphysical insights, Augustine delivers the pivot point of the chapter. He notes that even Plato and his followers fell into the error of polytheism, believing that sacred rites were due to many gods. This admission prepares the ground for his refutation of their religious practices in the subsequent chapters.
Now, if this be the case (for what else ought we to believe concerning the gods?), certainly it explodes the opinion that the bad gods are to be propitiated by sacred rites in order that they may not harm us, but the good gods are to be invoked in order that they may assist us. For there are no bad gods, and it is to the good that, as they say, the due honour of such rites is to be paid.
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Augustine uses Plato’s own definition—that gods are entirely good—to dismantle the logic of traditional polytheistic worship. If all gods are good, there is no need to propitiate “bad” gods to avert harm. This logical trap exposes the inconsistency in the Platonists’ religious practices, contrasting their pure philosophy with their impure rituals.
Chapter 14: second book[307]) among the demi-gods. Now Labeo thinks that the
Demons are of an animal nature, passive in soul, rational in mind, aerial in body, eternal in time.
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This quote cites Apuleius’s definition of demons, which Augustine subsequently dismantles. He focuses on the phrase “passive in soul,” interpreting it to mean that demons are subject to mental perturbations and passions, thereby proving they are miserable rather than blessed and utterly unworthy of religious honor.
What folly, therefore, or rather what madness, to submit ourselves through any sentiment of religion to demons, when it belongs to the true religion to deliver us from that depravity which makes us like to them! For Apuleius himself, although he is very sparing toward them, and thinks they are worthy of divine honours, is nevertheless compelled to confess that they are subject to anger; and the true religion commands us not to be moved with anger, but rather to resist it.
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Augustine highlights the absurdity of worshipping beings who exhibit the very vices—anger, envy, and instability—that true religion seeks to cure in humanity. He contrasts the “passive” and agitated souls of demons with the peace and moral perfection commanded by the true God.
And, since we have undertaken to discourse concerning the relationship and fellowship between men and the gods, know, O Æsculapius, the power and strength of man. As the Lord and Father, or that which is highest, even God, is the maker of the celestial gods, so man is the maker of the gods who are in the temples, content to dwell near to men.
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Augustine invokes the testimony of Hermes Trismegistus, who confesses that the “gods” worshipped in temples are actually man-made constructs. This admission is used to demonstrate that pagan idolatry is essentially the worship of human artifice and demonic deception rather than the divine.
After a long interval, Hermes again comes back to the subject of the gods which men have made, saying as follows: “But enough on this subject. Let us return to man and to reason, that divine gift on account of which man has been called a rational animal. For the things which have been said concerning man, wonderful though they are, are less wonderful than those which have been said concerning reason. For man to discover the divine nature, and to make it, surpasses the wonder of all other wonderful things. Because, therefore, our forefathers erred very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, through incredulity and through want of attention to their worship and service, they invented this art of making gods; and this art once invented, they associated with it a suitable virtue borrowed from universal nature, and, being incapable of making souls, they evoked those of demons or of angels, and united them with these holy images and divine mysteries, in order that through these souls the images might have power to do good or harm to men.”
Hermes is cited again to acknowledge that the invention of idolatry stemmed from “great error” and incredulity. Augustine uses this confession to argue that the Christian dismantling of these temples is not a destruction of religion, but the correction of a profound mistake by the truth of the Gospel.
But, nevertheless, we do not build temples, and ordain priests, rites, and sacrifices for these same martyrs; for they are not our gods, but their God is our God. Certainly we honour their reliquaries, as the memorials of holy men of God who strove for the truth even to the death of their bodies, that the true religion might be made known, and false and fictitious religions exposed.
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Augustine draws a sharp distinction between Christian veneration of martyrs and pagan worship of gods. He clarifies that honors paid to martyrs are acts of respect for memory and gratitude to God, not sacrificial worship offered to the dead, thereby differentiating the City of God from pagan superstition.
Chapter 15: BOOK NINTH.
What, then, is the difference between good and evil demons? For the Platonist Apuleius, in a treatise on this whole subject,[330] while he says a great deal about their aerial bodies, has not a word to say of the spiritual virtues with which, if they were good, they must have been endowed. Not a word has he said, then, of that which could give them happiness; but proof of their misery he has given, acknowledging that their mind, by which they rank as reasonable beings, is not only not imbued and fortified with virtue so as to resist all unreasonable passions, but that it is somehow agitated with tempestuous emotions, and is thus on a level with the mind of foolish men. His own words are: “It is this class of demons the poets
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Augustine cites Apuleius to demonstrate that demons are agitated by violent passions like pity, indignation, and joy, disqualifying them from the tranquility of the gods and proving they are not good mediators.
The definition which Apuleius gives of demons, and in which he of course includes all demons, is that they are in nature animals, in soul subject to passion, in mind reasonable, in body aerial, in duration eternal. Now in these five qualities he has named absolutely nothing which is proper to good men and not also to bad. For when Apuleius had spoken of the celestials first, and had then extended his description so as to include an account of those who dwell far below on the earth, that, after describing the two extremes of rational being, he might proceed to speak of the intermediate demons, he says, “Men, therefore, who are endowed with the faculty of reason and speech, whose soul is immortal and their members mortal, who have weak and anxious spirits, dull and corruptible bodies, dissimilar characters, similar ignorance, who are obstinate in
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Augustine analyzes Apuleius’s definition of demons, arguing that they are suspended ‘head downwards’—linked to gods by their inferior body and to men by their superior soul—making them agents of eternal punishment rather than true mediators.
Plotinus, whose memory is quite recent,[343] enjoys the reputation of having understood Plato better than any other of his disciples. In speaking of human souls, he says, “The Father in compassion made their bonds mortal;”[344] that is to say, he considered it due to the Father’s mercy that men, having a mortal body, should not be for ever confined in the misery of this life. But of this mercy the demons have been judged unworthy, and they have received, in conjunction with a soul subject to passions, a bo
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Citing Plotinus, Augustine argues that demons are more wretched than men because they are eternally bound to their bodies, whereas men are released from misery by death.
According to the Platonists, then, the gods, who occupy the highest place, enjoy eternal blessedness, or blessed eternity; men, who occupy the lowest, a mortal misery, or a miserable mortality; and the demons, who occupy the mean, a miserable eternity, or an eternal misery. As to those five things which Apuleius included in his definition of demons, he did not show, as he promised, that the demons are mediate. For three of them, that their nature is animal, their mind rational, their soul subject to passions, he said that they have in common with men; one thing, their eternity, in common with the gods; and one proper to themselves, their aerial body. How, then, are they intermediate, when they have three things in common with the lowest, and only one in common with the highest? Who does not see that the intermediate position is abandon
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Augustine logically deduces that if gods are blessed and immortal, and men are mortal and miserable, then demons—being eternal but passionate—must be in a state of ‘eternal misery,’ refuting the idea of a positive intermediate state.
But if, as is much more probable and credible, it must needs be that all men, so long as they are mortal, are also miserable, we must seek an intermediate who is not only man, but also God, that, by the interposition of His blessed mortality, He may bring men out of their mortal misery to a blessed immortality. In this intermediate two things are requisite, that He become mortal, and that He do not continue mortal. He did become mortal, not rendering the divinity of the Word infirm, but assuming the infirmity of flesh. Neither did He continue mortal in the flesh, but raised it from the dead; for it is the very fruit of His mediation that those, for the sake of whose redemption He became the Mediator, should not abide eternally in bodily death. Wherefore it became the Mediator between us and God to have both a transient mortality and a permanent
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Augustine presents Christ as the true Mediator who bridges the gap between God and man by assuming transient mortality while retaining permanent blessedness, contrasting Him with the immortal misery of demons.
Man, then, mortal and miserable, and far removed from the immortal and the blessed, what medium shall he choose by which he may be united to immortality and blessedness? The immortality of the demons, which might have some charm for man, is miserable; the mortality of Christ, which might offend man, exists no longer. In the one there is the fear of an eternal misery; in the other, death, which could not be eternal, can no longer be feared, and blessedness, which is eternal, must be loved. For the immortal and miserable mediator interposes himself to prevent us from passing to a blessed immortality, because that which hinders such a passage, namely, misery, continues in him; but the mortal and blessed Mediator interposed Himself, in order that, having passed through mortality, He might of mortals make immortals (showing His power to do this in His own resurrection), and from being miserable to raise them to the
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Augustine elaborates on the unique mediation of Christ, who destroys the power of proud demons and leads men directly to participation in the divine nature, rather than through a hierarchy of creatures.
However, the very origin of the name suggests something worthy of consideration, if we compare it with the divine books. They are called demons from a Greek word meaning knowledge.[353] Now the apostle, speaking with the Holy Spirit, says, “Knowledge puffeth up, but charity buildeth up.”[354] And this can only be understood as meaning that without charity knowledge does no good, but inflates a man or magnifies him with an empty windiness. The demons, then, have knowledge without charity, and are thereby so inflated or proud, that they crave those divine honou
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Augustine explores the etymology of ‘demon’ (knowledge) and explains that their knowledge without charity leads to pride, causing them to demand worship due only to the true God.
The good angels, therefore, hold cheap all that knowledge of material and transitory things which the demons are so proud of possessing,–not that they are ignorant of these things, but because the love of God, whereby they are sanctified, is very dear to them, and because, in comparison of that not merely immaterial but also unchangeable and ineffable beauty, with the holy love of which they are inflamed, they despise all things which are beneath it, and all that is not it, that they may with every good thing that is in them enjoy that good which is the source of their goodness. And therefore they have a more certain knowledge even of those temporal and mutable things, because they contemplate their principles and causes in the word of God, by which the world was made,–those causes by which one thing is approved, another rejecte
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Augustine contrasts the knowledge of holy angels, who contemplate eternal truths in God, with that demons, who only foresee temporal events through signs and are frequently deceived.
Chapter 16: BOOK TENTH.
For this is the worship which is due to the Divinity, or, to speak more accurately, to the Deity; and, to express this worship in a single word, as there does not occur to me any Latin term sufficiently exact, I shall avail myself, whenever necessary, of a Greek word. Λατρεία, whenever it occurs in Scripture, is rendered by the word service. But that service which is due to men, and in reference to which the apostle writes that servants must be subject to their own masters,[365] is usually designated by another word in Greek,[366] whereas the service which is paid to God alone by worship, is always, or almost always, called λατρεία in the usage of those who
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Augustine defines the specific Greek term ‘latria’ to distinguish the supreme worship due to God alone from the general service or honor paid to men, establishing a key theological distinction.
The word “religion” might seem to express more definitely the worship due to God alone, and therefore Latin translators have used this word to represent θρησκεία; yet, as not only the uneducated, but also the best instructed, use the word religion to express human ties, and relationships, and affinities, it would inevitably introduce ambiguity to use this word in discussing the worship of God, unable as we are to say that religion is nothing else than the worship of God, without contradicting the common usage which applies this word to the observance of social relationships. “Piety,” again, or, as the Greeks say, εὐσέβεια, is commonly understood as the proper designation of the worship of God. Yet this word also is
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Augustine argues that true worship belongs exclusively to the one true God, and that holy angels, who love us, desire our happiness to come from the same source as theirs.
This being so, if the Platonists, or those who think with them, knowing God, glorified Him as God and gave thanks, if they did not become vain in their own thoughts, if they did not originate or yield to the popular errors, they would certainly acknowledge that neither could the blessed immortals retain, nor we miserable mortals reach, a happy condition without worshipping the one God of gods, who is both theirs and ours. To Him we owe the service which is called in Greek λατρεία, whether we render it outwardly or inwardly; for we are all His temple, each of us severally and all of us together, because He condescends to inhabit each individually and the whole harmonious body, being no greater in all than in each, since He is neither expanded nor divided. Our heart when it rises to Him is His altar; the priest who intercedes for us
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Augustine asserts that true religion consists in cleaving to the one supreme good, God, and that the Platonists erred in directing worship to angels or demons instead of the Creator.
And who is so foolish as to suppose that the things offered to God are needed by Him for some uses of His own? Divine Scripture in many places explodes this idea. Not to be wearisome, suffice it to quote this brief saying from a psalm: “I have said to the Lord, Thou art my God: for Thou needest not my goodness.”[377] We must believe, then, that God has no need, not only of cattle, or any other earthly and material thing, but even of man’s righteousness, and that whatever right worship is paid to God profits not Him, but man. For no man would say he did a benefit to a fountain by drinking, or to the light by seeing. And the fact that the ancient church offered animal sacrifices, which the people of God now-a-days reads of without imitating, proves nothing else than this, that those sacrifices signified the things which we do for the purpose of drawing near to God, and inducing our neighbour to do the same. A sacrifice, therefore, is the visible sa
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Augustine explains that God does not need material sacrifices but requires the spiritual sacrifice of a contrite heart and mercy, which visible sacrifices symbolized.
Thus a true sacrifice is every work which is done that we may be united to God in holy fellowship, and which has a reference to that supreme good and end in which alone we can be truly blessed.[385] And therefore even the mercy we show to men, if it is not shown for God’s sake, is not a sacrifice. For, though made or offered by man, sacrifice is a divine thing, as those who called it sacrifice[386] meant to indicate. Thus man himself, consecrated in the name of God, and vowed to God, is a sacrifice in so far as he dies to the world that he may live to God. For this is a part of that mercy which each man shows to himself; as it is written, “Have mercy on thy soul by pleasing God.”[387] Our body, too, is a sacrifice when we chasten it by temperance, if we do so as we ought, for God’s sake, that we may not yield our members instruments of unrighteousness unto sin, but instruments of righteousness unto God.[388] Exhorting to this sacrifice, the a
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Augustine defines the true sacrifice as any work done to unite us to God in holy fellowship, culminating in the Church offering herself as a sacrifice through Christ.
These miracles, and many others of the same nature, which it were tedious to mention, were wrought for the purpose of commending the worship of the one true God, and prohibiting the worship of a multitude of false gods. Moreover, they were wrought by simple faith and godly confidence, not by the incantations and charms composed under the influence of a criminal tampering with the unseen world, of an art which they call either magic, or by the more abominable title necromancy,[398] or the more honourable designation theurgy; for they
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Augustine contrasts the miracles of God, which commend true worship, with the deceptive marvels of theurgy and magic, which are the work of demons.
For even Porphyry promises some kind of purgation of the soul by the help of theurgy, though he does so with some hesitation and shame, and denies that this art can secure to any one a return to God; so that you can detect his opinion vacillating between the profession of philosophy and an art which he feels to be presumptuous and sacrilegious. For at one time he warns us to avoid it as deceitful, and prohibited by law, and dangerous to those who practise it; then again, as if in deference to its advocates, he declares it useful for cleansing one part of the soul, not, indeed, the intellectual part, by which the truth of things intelligible, which have no sensible images, is recognised, but the spiritual part, which takes cognizance of the images of things material. This part, he says, is prepared and fitted for intercourse with spirits and angels, and for the vision of the gods, by the help of certain theurgic consecrations
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Augustine critiques Porphyry’s view on theurgy, noting that even Porphyry admitted it cannot purify the intellectual soul or secure a return to God.
What angels, then, are we to believe in this matter of blessed and eternal life?–those who wish to be worshipped with religious rites and observances, and require that men sacrifice to them; or those who say that all this worship is due to one God, the Creator, and teach us to render it with true piety to Him, by the vision of whom they are themselves already blessed, and in whom they promise that we shall be so? For that vision of God is the beauty of a vision so great, and is so infinitely desirable, that Plotinus does not hesitate to say that he who enjoys all other blessings in abundance, and has not this, is supremely miserable.[405] Since, therefore, miracles are wrought by some angels to induce us to worship this God, by others, to induce us to worship themselves; and since the former forbid us to worship these, while the
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Augustine argues that we must trust the angels who forbid us to worship them and direct us to God, rather than those who demand worship for themselves.
And hence that true Mediator, in so far as, by assuming the form of a servant, He became the Mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, though in the form of God He received sacrifice together with the Father, with whom He is one God, yet in the form of a servant He chose rather to be than to receive a sacrifice, that not even by this instance any one might have occasion to suppose that sacrifice should be rendered to any creature. Thus He is both the Priest who offers and the Sacrifice offered. And He designed th
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Augustine presents Christ as the true Mediator who is both Priest and Sacrifice, superseding all false sacrifices.
It is by true piety that men of God cast out the hostile power of the air which opposes godliness; it is by exorcising it, not by propitiating it; and they overcome all the temptations of the adversary by praying, not to him, but to their own God against him. For the devil cannot conquer or subdue any but those who are in league with sin; and therefore he is conquered in the name of Him who assumed humanity, and that without sin, that Himself being both Priest and Sacrifice, He might bring about the remission of sins, that is to say, might bring it about through the Mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, by whom we are re
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Augustine explains that saints conquer demons not by propitiating them, but by abiding in God and exercising true piety through Christ.
Accordingly, when we speak of God, we do not affirm two or three principles, no more than we are at liberty to affirm two or three gods; although, speaking of each, of the Father, or of the Son, or of the Holy Ghost, we confess that each is God: and yet we do not say, as the Sabellian heretics say, that the Father is the same as the Son, and the Holy Spirit the same as the Father and the Son; but we say that the Father is the Father of the Son, and the Son the Son of the Father, and that the Holy Spirit of the Father and the Son is neither the Father nor the Son. It was therefore truly said that man is cleansed only by a Principle, although the Platonists erred in speaking in the plural of principles. But Porphyry, being under the dominion of these envious powers, whose influence he was at once ashamed of and afraid to throw off, refused to recognise that Christ is the Principle by whose incarnation we are purified. Indeed
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Augustine argues that Christ is the true Principle (Logos) who purifies human nature, which Porphyry failed to recognize due to pride in the Incarnation’s humility.
This is the religion which possesses the universal way for delivering the soul; for, except by this way, none can be delivered. This is a kind of royal way, which alone leads to a kingdom which does not totter like all temporal dignities, but stands firm on eternal foundations. And when Porphyry says, towards the end of the first book De Regressu Animæ, that no system of doctrine which furnishes the universal way for delivering the soul has as yet been received, either from the truest philosophy, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning[432] of the Chaldæans, or from any source whatever, and that no historical reading had made him acquainted with that way, he manifestly acknowledges that there is such a way, but that as yet he was not acquainted with it. Nothing of all that he had so laboriously learned concerning the deliverance of the soul, nothing of all that he seemed to others, if not to h
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Augustine identifies the universal way of the soul’s deliverance, which Porphyry confessed he could not find in any philosophy, as the grace of Christ.
This, then, is the universal way of the soul’s deliverance, the way that is granted by the divine compassion to the nations universally. And no nation to which the knowledge of it has already come, or may hereafter come, ought to demand, Why so soon? or, Why so late?–for the design of Him who sends it is impenetrable by human capacity. This was felt by Porphyry when he confined himself to saying that this gift of God was not yet received, and had not yet come to his knowledge. For, though this was so, he did not on that account pronounce that the way itself had no existence. This, I say, is the universal way for the deliverance of believers, concerning which the faithful Abraham received the divine assurance, “In thy seed shall all nations be blessed.”[434] He, indeed, was by birth a Chaldæan; but, that he might receive these great promises, and that there might be propagated from him a seed “disposed by angels in the hand
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Augustine concludes that no soul can be delivered except through this universal way of Christ, which purifies the whole man and is open to all nations.
Chapter 17: BOOK ELEVENTH.
The city of God we speak of is the same to which testimony is borne by that Scripture, which excels all the writings of all nations by its divine authority, and has brought under its influence all kinds of minds, and this not by a casual intellectual movement, but obviously by an express providential arrangement. For there it is written, “Glorious things are spoken of thee, O city of God.”[441] And in another psalm we read, “Great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised in the city of our God, in the mountain of His holiness, increasing the joy of the whole earth.”[442] And, a little after, in the same psalm, “As we have heard, so have we seen in the city of the Lord of hosts, in the city of our God. God has established it for ever.” And in another, “There is a river the streams whereof shall make glad the city of our God, the holy place
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Augustine introduces the City of God using scriptural testimony and contrasts it with the earthly city, identifying the origin of the two cities in the separation of the angels.
It is a great and very rare thing for a man, after he has contemplated the whole creation, corporeal and incorporeal, and has discerned its mutability, to pass beyond it, and, by the continued soaring of his mind, to attain to the unchangeable substance of God, and, in that height of contemplation, to learn from God Himself that none but He has made all that is not of the divine essence. For God speaks with a man not by means of some audible creature dinning in his ears, so that atmospheric vibrations connect Him that makes with him that hears the sound, nor even by means of a spiritual being with the semblance of a body, such as we see in dreams or similar states; for even in this case He speaks as if to the ears of the body, because it is by means of the semblance of a body He speaks, and with the appearance of a real interval of space,–for visions
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Augustine explains that true knowledge of God is unattainable by human effort alone and requires the Mediator, Christ Jesus, who is both God and man, uniting the creature to the Creator.
For if eternity and time are rightly distinguished by this, that time does not exist without some movement and transition, while in eternity there is no change, who does not see that there could have been no time had not some creature been made, which by some motion could give birth to change,–the various parts of which motion and change, as they cannot be simultaneous, succeed one another,–and thus, in these shorter or longer intervals of duration, time would begin? Since then, God, in whose eternity is no change at all, is the Creator and Ordainer of time, I do not see how He can be said to have created the world after spaces of time had elapsed, unless it be said that prior to the world there was some creature by whose movement time could pass. And if the sacred and infallible Scriptures say that in the beginning God created the heavens and the earth, in order that it may be und
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Augustine argues that time and creation began simultaneously, as time requires motion and change which did not exist before the first creature was made.
At present, since I have undertaken to treat of the origin of the holy city, and first of the holy angels, who constitute a large part of this city, and indeed the more blessed part, since they have never been expatriated, I will give myself to the task of explaining, by God’s help, and as far as seems suitable, the Scriptures which relate to this point. Where Scripture speaks of the world’s creation, it is not plainly said whether or when the angels were created; but if mention of them is made, it is implicitly under the name of “heaven,” when it is said, “In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth,” or perhaps rather under the name of “light,” of which presently. But that they were wholly omitted, I am unable to believe, because it is written that God on the seventh day rested from all His works which He made; and this very book itself begins, “In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth,” so tha
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Augustine identifies the angels with the light created on the first day, explaining that they were created good and partake in the eternal light of the Word, while the fallen angels became darkness.
There is, accordingly, a good which is alone simple, and therefore alone unchangeable, and this is God. By this Good have all others been created, but not simple, and therefore not unchangeable. “Created,” I say,–that is, made, not begotten. For that which is begotten of the simple Good is simple as itself, and the same as itself. These two we call the Father and the Son; and both together with the Holy Spirit are one God; and to this Spirit the epithet Holy is in Scripture, as it were, appropriated. And He is another than the Father and the Son, for He is neither the Father nor the Son. I say “another,” not “another thing,” because He is equally with them the simple Good, unchangeable and co-eternal. And this Trini
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Augustine defines the nature of the Trinity as simple and unchangeable, where substance and quality are identical, distinct from composite created things.
It is with reference to the nature, then, and not to the wickedness of the devil, that we are to understand these words, “This is the beginning of God’s handiwork;”[480] for, without doubt, wickedness can be a flaw or vice[481] only where the nature previously was not vitiated. Vice, too, is so contrary to nature, that it cannot but damage it. And therefore departure from God would be no vice, unless in a nature whose property it was to abide with God. So that even the wicked will is a strong proof of the goodness of the nature. But God, as He is the supremely good Creator of good natures, so is He of evil wills the most jus
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Augustine asserts that wickedness is contrary to nature and originates in the will, not the Creator, and that God justly uses the evil wills of demons to benefit the good.
Accordingly, though the obscurity of the divine word has certainly this advantage, that it causes many opinions about the truth to be started and discussed, each reader seeing some fresh meaning in it, yet, whatever is said to be meant by an obscure passage should be either confirmed by the testimony of obvious facts, or should be asserted in other and less ambiguous texts. This obscurity is beneficial, whether the sense of the author is at last reached after the discussion of many other interpretations, or whether, though that sense remain concealed, other truths are brought out by the discussion of the obscurity. To me it does not seem incongruous with the working of God, if we understand that the angels were created when that first light was made, and that a separation was made between the holy and the unclean angels, when, as is said, “God divided the light from
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Augustine interprets the separation of light from darkness as the division between the holy angels and the fallen angels, a distinction only God could make.
For what else is to be understood by that invariable refrain, “And God saw that it was good,” than the approval of the work in its design, which is the wisdom of God? For certainly God did not in the actual achievement of the work first learn that it was good, but, on the contrary, nothing would have been made had it not been first known by Him. While, therefore, He sees that that is good which, had He not seen it before it was made, would never have been made, it is plain that He is not discovering, but teaching that it is good. Plato, indeed, was bold enough to say that, when the universe was completed, God was, as it were, elated with joy.[487] And Plato was not so foolish as to mean by this that God was rendered more blessed by the novelty of His creation; but he wished thus to indicate that the work now completed met with its Maker’s approval, as it had while yet in design. It is not as if the knowledge of God were of various kinds, knowin
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Augustine explains that God’s approval of His works reflects His eternal design; He does not learn in time but knows all things in His eternal presence.
We believe, we maintain, we faithfully preach, that the Father begat the Word, that is, Wisdom, by which all things were made, the only-begotten Son, one as the Father is one, eternal as the Father is eternal, and, equally with the Father, supremely good; and that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit alike of Father and of Son, and is Himself consubstantial and co-eternal with both; and that this whole is a Trinity by reason of the individuality[492] of the persons, and one God by reason of the indivisible divine substance, as also one Almighty by reason of the indivisible omnipotence; yet so that, when we inquire regarding each singly, it is said that each is God and Almighty; and, when we speak of all together, it is said that there are not three Gods, nor three Almighties, but one God Almighty; so great is the indivisible unity of these Three, which requir
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Augustine sees hints of the Trinity in the creation narrative: the Father (Creator), the Son (through whom all things were made), and the Holy Spirit (the goodness of the creation).
And we indeed recognise in ourselves the image of God, that is, of the supreme Trinity, an image which, though it be not equal to God, or rather, though it be very far removed from Him,–being neither co-eternal, nor, to say all in a word, consubstantial with Him,–is yet nearer to Him in nature than any other of His works, and is destined to be yet restored, that it may bear a still closer resemblance. For we both are, and know that we are, and delight in our being, and our knowledge of it. Moreover, in these three things no true-seeming illusion disturbs us; for we do not come into contact with these by some bodily sense, as we perceive the things outside of us,–colours, e.g., by seeing, sounds by hearing, smells by smelling, tastes by tasting, hard and soft objects by touching,–of all which sensible objects it is the images resembling them, but
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Augustine finds the image of the Trinity in the human mind: existence (being), knowledge, and love, which are certain and indistinguishably present in the self.
That certain angels sinned, and were thrust down to the lowest parts of this world, where they are, as it were, incarcerated till their final damnation in the day of judgment, the Apostle Peter very plainly declares, when he says that “God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness to be reserved unto judgment.”[510] Who, then, can doubt that God, either in foreknowledge or in act, separated between these and the rest? And who will dispute that the rest are justly called “light?” For even we who are yet living by faith, hoping only and not yet enjoying equality with them, are already called “light” by the apostle: “For ye were sometimes darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord.”[511] But as for these apostate angels, all who understand or believe them to be worse than unbelieving men are well aware that they are called “darkness.” Wherefore, though light an
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Augustine concludes by summarizing the two dissimilar communities of angels—the holy (light) and the fallen (darkness)—whose separation marks the origin of the Two Cities.
Chapter 18: BOOK TWELFTH.
That the contrary propensities in good and bad angels have arisen, not from a difference in their nature and origin, since God, the good Author and Creator of all essences, created them both, but from a difference in their wills and desires, it is impossible to doubt. While some stedfastly continued in that which was the common good of all, namely, in God Himself, and in His eternity, truth, and love; others, being enamoured rather of their own power, as if they could be their own good, lapsed to this private good of their own, from that higher and beatific good which was common to all, and, bartering the lofty dignity of eternity for the i
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Augustine establishes that the difference between good and bad angels arises from their wills, not their nature, and defines the cause of blessedness as adherence to God.
This may be enough to prevent any one from supposing, when we speak of the apostate angels, that they could have another nature, derived, as it were, from some different origin, and not from God. From the great impiety of this error we shall disentangle ourselves the more readily and easily, the more distinctly we understand that which God spoke by the angel when He sent Moses to the children of Israel: “I am that I am.”[522] For since God is the supreme existence, that is to say, supremely is, and is ther
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Argues that there is no entity contrary to God, because non-entity is the only contrary to the Supreme Being who ‘is’.
In Scripture they are called God’s enemies who oppose His rule, not by nature, but by vice; having no power to hurt Him, but only themselves. For they are His enemies, not through their power to hurt, but by their will to oppose Him. For God is unchangeable, and wholly proof against injury. Therefore the vice which makes those who are called His enemies resist Him, is an evil not to God, but to themselves. And to them it is an evil, solely because it corrupts the good of their nature. It is not nature, therefore, but vice, which is contrary to God. For that which is evil is contrary to the good. And who will deny that God is the supreme good? Vice, therefore, is contrary to God, as evil to good. Further, the nature it vitiates
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Explains that vice is contrary to nature and injures it, proving that the nature of the angels was originally good.
Thus the true cause of the blessedness of the good angels is found to be this, that they cleave to Him who supremely is. And if we ask the cause of the misery of the bad, it occurs to us, and not unreasonably, that they are miserable because they have forsaken Him who supremely is, and have turned to themselves who have no such essence. And this vice, what else is it called than pride? For “pride is the beginning o
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Identifies pride as the first defect of the evil will, which turned from the Supreme Being to a private and inferior good.
If the further question be asked, What was the efficient cause of their evil will? there is none. For what is it which makes the will bad, when it is the will itself which makes the action bad? And consequently the bad will is the cause of the bad action, but nothing is the efficient cause of the bad will. For if anything is the cause, this thing either has or has not a will. If it has, the will is either good or bad. If good, who is so left to himself as to say that a good will makes a will bad? For in this case a good will would be the cause of sin; a most absurd supposition. On the other hand, if this hypothetical thing has a bad will, I wish to know what made it so; and that we may not go on for ever, I ask at once, what made the first evil will bad? For that is not the first wh
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A rigorous investigation concluding that there is no efficient cause of the evil will; it is a deficiency arising from the will itself.
Let no one, therefore, look for an efficient cause of the evil will; for it is not efficient, but deficient, as the will itself is not an effecting of something, but a defect. For defection from that which supremely is, to that which has less of being,–this is to begin to have an evil will. Now, to seek to discover the causes of these defections,–causes, as I have said, not efficient, but deficient,–is as if some one sought to see darkness, or hear silence. Yet both of these are known by us, and the former by means only of the eye, th
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Asserts that the evil will is not efficient but deficient, and seeking its cause is like trying to see darkness or hear silence.
This I do know, that the nature of God can never, nowhere, nowise be defective, and that natures made of nothing can. These latter, however, the more being they have, and the more good they do (for then they do something positive), the more they have efficient causes; but in so far as they are defective in being, and consequently do evil (for then what is their work but vanity?), they have deficient causes. And I know likewise, that the will could not become evil, were it unwilling to become so; and therefore its failings are justly punished, being not necessary, but voluntary. For its defections are not to evil things, but are themselves evil; that is to say, are not towards thi
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Describes how the will becomes evil by turning from the immutable good to mutable goods through inordinate love.
There is, then, no natural efficient cause, or, if I may be allowed the expression, no essential cause, of the evil will, since itself is the origin of evil in mutable spirits, by which the good of their nature is diminished and corrupted; and the will is made evil by nothing else than defection from God,–a defection of which the cause, too, is certainly deficient. But as to the good will, if we should say that there is no efficient cause of it, we must beware of giving currency to the opinion that the good will of the good angels is not created, but is co-eternal with God. For if they themselves are created, how can we say that their good will was eternal? But if created, was it created along with themselves, or d
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Argues that the good will of the holy angels was created by God’s grace, enabling them to cleave to Him from the moment of their creation.
Besides, this too has to be inquired into, whether, if the good angels made their own will good, they did so with or without will? If without, then it was not their doing. If with, was the will good or bad? If bad, how could a bad will give birth to a good one? If good, then already they had a good will. And who made this will, which already they had, but He who created them with a good will, or with that chaste love by which they cleaved to Him, in one and the same act creating their nature, and endowing it with grace? And thus we are driven to believe that the holy angels never existed without a good will or the love of God. But the angels who, though created good, are yet evil now, became so by their own will. And this
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States that the holy angels, united by the love of God shed abroad in their hearts, form the City of God.
As to those who are always asking why man was not created during these countless ages of the infinitely extended past, and came into being so lately that, according to Scripture, less than 6000 years have elapsed since he began to be, I would reply to them regarding the creation of man, just as I replied regarding the origin of the world to those who will not believe that it is not eternal, but had a beginning, which even Plato himself most plainly declares, though some think his statement was not consistent with his real opinion.[537] If it offends them that the time that has elapsed since the creation of man is so short, and his years so few according to our authorities, let them take this into consideration, that nothing that has a limit is long, and that all the ages of time being finite, are very little, o
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Refutes the objection that man was created too recently by comparing any finite time, no matter how long, to eternity.
What wonder is it if, entangled in these circles, they find neither entrance nor egress? For they know not how the human race, and this mortal condition of ours, took its origin, nor how it will be brought to an end, since they cannot penetrate the inscrutable wisdom of God. For, though Himself eternal, and without beginning, yet He caused time to have a beginning; and man, whom He had not previously made, He made in time, not from a new and sudden resolution, but by His unchangeable and eternal design. Who can search out the unsearchable depth of this purpose, who can scrutinize the inscrutable wisdom, wherewith God, without change of will, created man, who had never before been
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Explains that God created man in time not by a new decision, but by His eternal and unchangeable design.
Of this, too, I have no doubt, that before the first man was created, there never had been a man at all, neither this same man himself recurring by I know not what cycles, and having made I know not how many revolutions, nor any other of similar nature. From this belief I am not frightened by philosophical arguments, among which that is reckoned the most acute which is founded on the assertion that the infinite cannot be comprehended by any mode of knowledge. Consequently, they argue, God has in His own mind finite conceptions of all finite things which He makes. Now it cannot be supposed that His goodness was ever idle; for if it were, there should be ascribed to Him an awakening to activity in time, from a past eternity of inactivity, as if He repented of an idleness that had no beginning, and proceeded, therefore, to make a beginning of work. This being the case, they say it must be that the same things are always repeated, and that
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Defends God’s unchangeable counsel against the theory of cyclical history, emphasizing that God’s knowledge is infinite and unchangeable.
As for their other assertion, that God’s knowledge cannot comprehend things infinite, it only remains for them to affirm, in order that they may sound the depths of their impiety, that God does not know all numbers. For it is very certain that they are infinite; since, no matter at what number you suppose an end to be made, this number can be, I will not say, increased by the addition of one more, but however great it be, and however vast be the multitude of which it is the rational and scientific expression, it can still be not only doubled, but even multiplied. Moreover, each number is so defined by its own properties, that no two numbers are equal. They are therefore both unequal and different from one another; and while they are simply finite, collectively they are infinite. Does God, therefore, not know numbers on account of
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Counters the claim that God cannot know infinite things, affirming that His infinite knowledge comprehends all numbers and infinite series.
What pious ears could bear to hear that after a life spent in so many and severe distresses (if, indeed, that should be called a life at all which is rather a death, so utter that the love of this present death makes us fear that death which delivers us from it), that after evils so disastrous, and miseries of all kinds have at length been expiated and finished by the help of true religion and wisdom, and when we have thus attained to the vision of God, and have entered into bliss by the contemplation of spiritual light and participation in His unchangeable immortality, which we burn to attain,–that we must at some time lose all this, and that they who do lose it are cast down from that eternity, truth, and felicity to infernal mortality and shameful foolishness, and are involved in accursed woes, in which God is lost, truth held
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Denounces the impiety of suggesting that the blessed must return to misery in endless cycles, contrasting it with the promise of eternal life.
Chapter 19: the tenth book,[559] he preferred saying that the soul, as it had
been sent into the world that it might know evil, and be purged and delivered from it, was never again exposed to such an experience after it had once returned to the Father. And if he abjured the tenets of his school, how much more ought we Christians to abominate and avoid an opinion so unfounded and hostile to our faith? But having disposed of these cycles and escaped out of them, no necessity compels us to suppose tha
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Augustine argues that the final deliverance of the soul introduces a novelty into nature, refuting the Platonic idea of eternal cycles where nothing new happens.
ppens in its experience something which never happened before; and this, indeed, something of the greatest consequence, to wit, the secure entrance into eternal felicity. And if in an immortal nature there can occur
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Augustine posits that if souls are not new but eternal, their number must be infinite, which contradicts the finite order of nature known by God.
And now that we have exploded these cycles which were supposed to bring back the soul at fixed periods to the same miseries, what can seem more in accordance with godly reason than to believe that it is possible for God both to create new things never before created, and in doing so,
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Having rejected cyclic returns, Augustine asserts that God can create new things without change in His will, and that the human race had a beginning in time.
Now that we have solved, as well as we could, this very difficult question about the eternal God creating new things, without any novelty of will, it is easy to see how much better it is that God was pleased to produce the human race from the one individual whom He created, than if He had originated it in several men. For as to the other animals, He created some solitary, and naturally seeking lonely places,–as the eagles, kites, lions, wolves, and such like; others gregarious, which herd together, and prefer to live in company,–as pigeons, starlings, stags, and little fallow deer, and the like: but neither cla
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Augustine explains that God created man singly to commend the unity of society and family affection, distinguishing human creation from that of gregarious or solitary animals.
And God was not ignorant that man would sin, and that, being himself made subject now to death, he would propagate men doomed to die, and that these mortals would run to such enormities in sin, that even the beasts devoid of rational will, and who were created in numbers from the waters and the earth, would live more securely and peaceably with their own kind than men, who had been propagated from one individual for the very purpose of commending concord. For not even lions or dragons have ever waged with their kind such wars as men have waged with one another.[561] But God
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Augustine contrasts the corruption of human nature, which leads to wars worse than those of beasts, with the grace of God uniting the godly with angels.
God, then, made man in His own image. For He created for him a soul endowed with reason and intelligence, so that he might excel all the creatures of earth, air, and sea, which were not so gifted. And when He had formed the man out of the dust of the earth, and had willed that his soul should be such as I have said,–whether He had already made it, and now by breathing imparted it to man, or rather made it by breathing, so that that breath which God made by breathing (for what else is “to breathe” than to make breath?) is the soul,[56
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Augustine describes the creation of the rational soul in God’s image and clarifies that God’s work is not manual but invisible, performed by His power.
But in this book we have nothing to do with those who do not believe that the divine mind made or cares for this world. As for those who believe their own Plato, that all mortal animals–among whom man holds the pre-eminent place, and is near to the gods themselves–were created not by that most high God who made the world, but by other lesser gods created by the Supreme, and exercising a delegated power un
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Augustine refutes the Platonic view that lesser gods created mortal things, asserting that God alone is the Creator of every nature.
For whereas there is one form which is given from without to every bodily substance,–such as the form which is constructed by potters and smiths, and that class of artists who paint and fashion forms like the body of animals,–but another and internal form which is not itself constructed, but, as the efficient cause, produces not only the natural bodily forms, but even the life itself of the living creatures, and which proceeds from the secret and hidden choice of an intelligent and living nature,–let that first-mentioned form be attributed to every artificer, but this latter to one only, God, the Creator and Originator who made the world itself and the angels, without
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Augustine argues that the internal form and life of creatures proceed from God’s secret choice, not from external artificers, and that God alone gives being to all natures.
With good cause, therefore, does the true religion recognise and proclaim that the same God who created the universal cosmos, created also all the animals, souls as well as bodies. Among the terrestrial animals man was made by Him in His own image, and, for the reason I have given, was made one individual, though he was not left solitary. For there is nothing so social by nature, so unsocial by its corruption, as this race. And human nature has nothing more appropriate, either for the prevention of discord, or for the healing of it, where it exists, than the remembrance of that first parent of us all, whom God wa
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Augustine concludes that the whole human race was seminally present in the first man, containing the seeds of both the City of God and the earthly city according to God’s just judgment.
Chapter 20: BOOK THIRTEENTH.
But I see I must speak a little more carefully of the nature of death. For although the human soul is truly affirmed to be immortal, yet it also has a certain death of its own. For it is therefore called immortal, because, in a sense, it does not cease to live and to feel; while the body is called mortal, because it can be forsaken of all life, and cannot by itself live at all. The death, then, of the soul takes place when God forsakes it, as the death of the body when the soul forsakes it. Therefore the death of both–that is, of the whole man–occurs when the soul, forsaken by God, forsakes the body. For, in this case, neither is God the life of the soul, nor the soul the life of the body. And this death of the whole man is
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Augustine defines the nature of death, distinguishing between the death of the soul (separation from God), the death of the body (separation from the soul), and the second death (eternal damnation).
But a question not to be shirked arises: Whether in very truth death, which separates soul and body, is good to the good?[574] For if it be, how has it come to pass that such a thing should be the punishment of sin? For the first men would not have suffered death had they not sinned. How, then, can that be good to the good, which could not have happened except to the evil? Then, again, if it could only happen to the evil, to the good it ought not to be good, but non-existent. For why should there be any punishment where there is nothing to punish? Wherefore we must say that the first men were indeed so created, that if they had not sinned, they would not have experienced any kind of death; but that, having become sinners, they were so punished with death, that whatsoever sprang from their stock should also be punished with the same death. For nothing else could be born of them than
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Augustine explains how death, originating as a punishment for Adam’s sin, became a natural consequence for all his descendants, altering human nature such that all are born subject to death.
If, moreover, any one is solicitous about this point, how, if death be the very punishment of sin, they whose guilt is cancelled by grace do yet suffer death, this difficulty has already been handled and solved in our other work which we have written on the baptism of infants.[577] There it was said that the parting of soul and body was left, though its connection with sin was removed, for this reason, that if the immortality of the body followed immediately upon the sacrament of regeneration, faith itself would be thereby enervated. For faith is then only faith when it waits in hope for what is not yet seen in substance. And by the vigour and conflict of faith, at least in times past, was the fear of death overcome. Specially was this conspicuous in the holy martyrs, who could have had no victory, no glory, to whom there could not even have been any conflict, if, after the laver of re
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Augustine addresses why the righteous, though forgiven, still die, arguing that death is retained to test faith and allow for martyrdom, turning a penalty into a path to glory.
For no sooner do we begin to live in this dying body, than we begin to move ceaselessly towards death.[585] For in the whole course of this life (if life we must call it) its mutability tends towards death. Certainly there is no one who is not nearer it this year than last year, and to-morrow than to-day, and to-day than yesterday, and a short while hence than now, and now than a short while ago. For whatever time we live is deducted from our whole term of life, and that which remains is daily becoming less and less; so that our whole life is nothing but a race towards death, in which no one is allowed to stand still for a little space, or to go somewhat more slowly, but all are driven forwards with an impartial movement, and with equal rapidity. For he whose life is short spends a day no more swiftly than he whose life is longer. But w
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Augustine posits that earthly life is essentially a process of dying, as man moves ceaselessly toward death from the moment of birth.
For, as soon as our first parents had transgressed the commandment, divine grace forsook them, and they were confounded at their own wickedness; and therefore they took fig-leaves (which were possibly the first that came to hand in their troubled state of mind), and covered their shame; for though their members remained the same, they had shame now where they had none before. They experienced a new motion of their flesh, which had become disobedient to them, in strict retribution of their own disobedience to God. For the soul, revelling in its own liberty, and scorning to serve God, was itself deprived of the command it had forme
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Description of the immediate consequences of the Fall, including the shame of nakedness and the rebellion of the flesh against the spirit.
But the philosophers against whom we are defending the city of God, that is, His Church, seem to themselves to have good cause to deride us, because we say that the separation of the soul from the body is to be held as part of man’s punishment. For they suppose that the blessedness of the soul then only is complete, when it is quite denuded of the body, and returns to God a pure and simple, and, as it were, naked soul. On this point, if I should find nothing in their own literature to refute this opinion, I should be forced laboriously to demonstrate that it is not the body, but the corruptibility of the body, which is a burden to the soul. Hence that sentence of Scripture we quoted in a foregoing book, “For the corruptible body presseth down the soul.”[593] The word corruptible is added to show that the soul is burdened, not by any body whatsoever, but by the bo
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Refutation of the Platonic idea that the soul is blessed only when separated from the body, citing Plato’s own admission that the gods are bound to their bodies eternally.
Thus the souls of departed saints are not affected by the death which dismisses them from their bodies, because their flesh rests in hope, no matter what indignities it receives after sensation is gone. For they do not desire that their bodies be forgotten, as Plato thinks fit, but rather, because they remember what has been promised by Him who deceives no man, and who gave them security for the safe keeping even of the hairs of their head, they with a longing patience wait in hope of the resurrection of their bodies, in which they have suffered many hardships, and are now to suffer never again. For if they did not “hate their own flesh,” when it, with its native infirmity, opposed their will, and had to be constrained by the spiritual law, how much more shall they love it, when it shall even itself have become spiritual! For as, when the spirit serves the flesh, it is fitly called car
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Augustine explains that the resurrected body will be spiritual, surpassing even the pre-fall state of Adam, and subject entirely to the will of the spirit.
Thus the apostle states that the first man was made in an animal body. For, wishing to distinguish the animal body which now is from the spiritual, which is to be in the resurrection, he says, “It is sown in corruption, it is raised in incorruption: it is sown in dishonour, it is raised in glory: it is sown in weakness, it is raised in power: it is sown a natural body, it is raised a spiritual body.” Then, to prove this, he goes on, “There is a natural body, and there is a spiritual body.” And to show what the animated body is, he says, “Thus it was written, The first man Adam was made a living soul, the last Adam was made a quickening spirit.”[613] He wished thus to show what the animated body is, though Scripture did not say of the first man Adam, when his soul was created by the breath of God, “Man was made in an animated body,” but “Man was made a living soul.”[614] By these words,
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Distinction between the ‘animal’ body of Adam, subject to death, and the ‘spiritual’ body of the resurrection, promised to the saints.
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This passage establishes the immediate historical catalyst for the entire treatise: the sack of Rome in 410 A.D. Augustine clarifies that his motivation was not merely academic but a defensive response to the specific pagan accusation that Christianity caused the empire’s collapse by abandoning traditional gods.